Arizona Phonology Conference: Volume 3 (1990)
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/226116
2024-03-19T13:42:09ZPreface (Arizona Phonology Conference, Volume 3, 1990)
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227266
Preface (Arizona Phonology Conference, Volume 3, 1990)
Myers, James; Pérez, Patricia E.
1990-01-01T00:00:00ZHypocoristic Formation in Nootka
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227265
Hypocoristic Formation in Nootka
Stonham, John
Myers, James; Pérez, Patricia E.
In Nootka, there is a strategy for forming hypocoristic names, or terms of endearment, from the normal form of the name by a combination of truncation, vowel mutation and affixation. The nature of this formation is highly suggestive of the type of morphology described by many linguists as subtractive. In this paper, however, we will show that what actually occurs is a pattern of template -filling based on the prosodic structure of the language. We will argue that the building of hypocoristic forms is, in fact, highly reminiscent of reduplicative strategies employed in this language as argued for in Stonham 1987 for the closely related Nitinaht language, the difference being that reduplication subsequently concatenates with the structure it has drawn from, while Nootka hypocoristic formation, henceforth H.F., abandons the remainder of the original structure, retaining only the copied portion required for the template. Before investigating the nature of H.F., we will first present certain aspects of Nootka structure which will be important for a clear exposition of the problem.
1990-01-01T00:00:00ZPacific Yup'ik: Implications for Metrical Theory
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227264
Pacific Yup'ik: Implications for Metrical Theory
Rice, Curtis
Myers, James; Pérez, Patricia E.
Recent developments in metrical theory have led to the situation in which there are now at least four different approaches to stress assignment. One approach uses only a grid to represent the relative prominence of syllables in a word (cf. Prince 1983); aside from representational conventions, the grid -only approach differs from the other three in that it does not posit any metrical constituency. Second, the constituentized grid approach also represents stress with a grid, but by enhancing the representations with parentheses, metrical constituency is also indicated (cf. Halle and Vergnaud 1987). Hayes (1987) has recently developed an approach employing representations like those in the constituentized grid approach; I will refer to this as the templatic approach. This approach is different insofar as the constituents which are available in the theory are not derived from parameters, but rather it is the constituent templates themselves which are the primitives of the theory. The fourth approach is one in which relative prominence is indicated with arboreal structures, rather than with grids (cf. Hayes 1981, Hammond 1984). In this paper I will present an analysis of the stress pattern of Pacific Yup'ik which follows Rice (1988), and I will claim that this analysis has important implications for each of the approaches mentioned above. Pacific Yup'ik is a particularly interesting testing ground for metrical theories; for our purposes here, the interesting aspect is that an adequate analysis of the stress pattern has broad implications for various approaches to stress assignment.
1990-01-01T00:00:00ZSwati and Kikuyu Reduplication: Evidence Against Exhaustive Copy
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227263
Swati and Kikuyu Reduplication: Evidence Against Exhaustive Copy
Peng, Long
Myers, James; Pérez, Patricia E.
Two intriguing properties of reduplicative affixes are that they are invariant in shape or weight and that their segmental makeup is dependent upon the base to which they are attached. Previous autosegmental explanations of shape- invariance and base- dependent melody adopt two mechanisms: i) a skeletal template to account for the consistency in weight and ii) a copying mechanism that transfers base segmental content into a reduplicative template (Marantz 1982, Broselow and McCarthy 1984, and Levin 1985). These accounts have since come under attack for a number of reasons. One major criticism concerns the unconstrained nature of templates; in, principle., any string of skeletal slots can be licensed as a template under these earlier accounts (Clements 1985, McCarthy and Prince 1986, 1987, and Steriade 1988). As a means of coping with this problem, McCarthy and Prince (1986, 1987) propose that reduplicative affixes be characterised by prosodically defined templates: i) core syllables (ad, ii) light syllables (σ(μ)), iii) heavy syllables (σ(μμ)), iv) syllables (σ), v) bimoraic feet (F(μμ)), vi) iambic feet (F(μμμ)), vii) disyllabic feet (F(σσ)), and viii) prosodic words. An important contribution of prosodic templates is that they establish prosodic constituency as a criterion for constraining templates, for a unit that does not correspond to a prosodic constituent can never be licenced as a reduplicative template. In addition, McCarthy and Prince (1986, 1987) exploit a copying mechanism. Copying can take two forms: i) an entire sequence of base segmental melody can be targeted for copying; or ii) a portion of it can be targeted for copying as long as that portion is prosodically defined or "circumscribed" (McCarthy and Prince 1990). In either case, copying is selective in that it excludes suprasegmental structures. Hence, I will refer to this model as Selective Copy. In contrast with Selective Copy, Steriade (1988) puts forward a different prosodic model of reduplication. Within her model, shape- invariance results from an interplay of weight and syllable markedness parameters. Among the weight parameters are: i) light syllables, ii) monosyllabic feet, iii) bimoraic feet, iv) disyllabic feet. These weight parameters differ from prosodic templates posited by Selective Copy. They are not templates that possess independent prosodic structures even though they are stated in terms of prosodic units that specify which prosodic constituent is targeted as the reduplicant. This conception of weight parameters forces a different copying apparatus. Copying must be exhaustive: it must target both the segmental melody and the prosodic structure of the base. This is critical; without the prosodic constituents of the base, weight parameters cannot select which unit of the copied base to retain as the reduplicant. In the following, I will refer to this model as Exhaustive Copy. This brief contrast demonstrates two radical differences between Selective Copy and Exhaustive Copy: i) templates vs. parameters and ii) selective vs. exhaustive copying. These differences impose a further contrast in expressing insertion of base - independent melody. Whereas insertion can make reference to the prosodic units of a template with Selective Copy, it cannot rely on parameters with Exhaustive Copy. Insertion can and must be defined by an existing prosodic structure of the base. This distinction becomes significant in examining Swati diminutive reduplication, which shows a base-independent vowel a in its reduplicant. What is important about this melody is that it is present only when a base cannot supply sufficient segmental content for a foot-sized reduplicant lingi-lingis 'resemble a little' vs. goba-gob 'bend a little'. The question addressed here is whether or not these two proposals can express a insertion. I demonstrate that a insertion cannot be formally stated by Exhaustive Copy. Crucial to the argument is that an insufficient base is lacking not only in segmental melody but also in prosodic constituency essential for defining the locus of insertion. Motivation for an insertion treatment takes two steps. First, internal evidence from passive formations suggests that i functions as the default vowel -not a. Second, this a behaves in Kikuyu like an architypical instance of "prespecification" in that it overrides any vowel in the base. As mentioned in footnote 4, Kikuyu and Swati are both members of the Bantu family. Moreover, reduplication as a diminutive marker is an important and widespread property of Bantu morphology (Meinhof 1932). This suggests that Swati a should be treated on a par with Kikuyu a since it cannot be filled in by default. The layout of this paper is as follows. Section 1 contrasts the two models of reduplication through examples from Tagalog. Section 2 applies Selective Copy to an account of Kikuyu and Swati reduplication. In particular, I demonstrate that Swati a requires an insertion treatment in consideration of both internal and external evidence. Section 3 spells out the argument against Exhaustive Copy from Swati a. In Section 4, I discuss some further implications of the templatic vs. parametric opposition for an overall theory of morphology. The critical point emerging from this discussion is that morphological processes such as Semitic roots and Japanese hypocoristics require access to templates; the parametric approach falls short on this score.
1990-01-01T00:00:00Z