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Adjective ordering restrictions: exploring relevant semantic notions for syntactic ordering
| dc.contributor.author | McKinney-Bock, Katy | |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2010-06-10T16:58:45Z | |
| dc.date.available | 2010-06-10T16:58:45Z | |
| dc.date.issued | 2010 | |
| dc.identifier.issn | 0894-4539 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/10150/104642 | |
| dc.description.abstract | I propose that ordering restrictions among adjectives (e.g., the big gray poodle) are driven by the covert syntactic complexity of the adjectival projections. The more complex the projection containing the adjective, the higher in the structure it must merge. Intersective adjectives (gray) merge with the NP, and non-intersective adjectives (big) merge also with a covert for-PP that contains a copy of the NP. This differs from the usual approaches to adjective ordering, which turn to fine-grained semantic subclasses (e.g. height, length, color) or functional heads in the DP to explain adjective ordering restrictions. | |
| dc.language.iso | en_US | en_US |
| dc.publisher | University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona) | en_US |
| dc.relation.url | https://coyotepapers.sbs.arizona.edu/ | en_US |
| dc.rights | Copyright © is held by the author(s). | en_US |
| dc.rights.uri | http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ | en_US |
| dc.title | Adjective ordering restrictions: exploring relevant semantic notions for syntactic ordering | en_US |
| dc.type | text | en_US |
| dc.type | Article | en_US |
| dc.contributor.department | University of Southern California | en_US |
| dc.identifier.journal | Coyote Papers | en_US |
| dc.description.collectioninformation | The Coyote Papers are made available by the Arizona Linguistics Circle at the University of Arizona and the University of Arizona Libraries. Contact coyotepapers@email.arizona.edu with questions about these materials. | en_US |
| dc.source.journaltitle | Coyote Papers | |
| refterms.dateFOA | 2018-06-18T06:17:40Z | |
| html.description.abstract | I propose that ordering restrictions among adjectives (e.g., the big gray poodle) are driven by the covert syntactic complexity of the adjectival projections. The more complex the projection containing the adjective, the higher in the structure it must merge. Intersective adjectives (gray) merge with the NP, and non-intersective adjectives (big) merge also with a covert for-PP that contains a copy of the NP. This differs from the usual approaches to adjective ordering, which turn to fine-grained semantic subclasses (e.g. height, length, color) or functional heads in the DP to explain adjective ordering restrictions. |
