• Ke yox hitamtaaycaqa ciiqinpa (that which is reported in talk): reported speech in Nez Perce

      Cash Cash, Phillip; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2004)
      This paper is a study of reported speech in Nez Perce (Sahaptian), an endangered language presently spoken in the southern Columbia Plateau region of western North America. This paper will focus on the use of reported speech in Nez Perce narrative to determine 1) the range and types of reported speech registers, and 2) discern how such reported speech registers might be patterned so as to indicate their cultural functions.
    • Keley-I Consonant Assimilation

      Archangeli, Diana; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1987)
      Keley-i, a Philippine language, has two rules assimilating consonants across a vowel. Such rules might be taken as evidence against the Morphemic Tier Hypothesis (MTH) and against the Locality Condition (LC). The MTH states (1) Morphemic Tier Hypothesis (MTH) If and only if two segments are members of separate morphemes are those two segments aligned in separate phonological tiers. The Keley-i data suggest that the MTH does not hold universally because consonants assimilate across vowels, which has been taken as evidence for two segmental planes in order to prevent the crossing of association lines. The data also create problems for the Locality Condition: (3) Locality Condition (LC) A phonological rule is applicable only if the target and trigger are adjacent. The consonant features assimilate across an intervening vowel: the target and trigger, being skeletal slots, are not adjacent. I suggest here that adopting the feature hierarchy as proposed in Archangeli and Pulleyblank (1986) (which is a modification of Clements 1985) combined with underspecification theory (Archangeli 1984, Pulleyblank 1986, Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1986) allows an analysis of the Keley -i data which permits maintaining the MTH and the LC. A further result is that the Spreading Hypothesis is maintained as well, thus supporting the hypothesis that phonological assimilation is formally expressed in one manner only, namely by insertion of association lines, and not by feature copy rules. (See Hayes 1986, Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1986.) (4) Spreading Hypothesis Phonological assimilation is expressed only by rules adding association lines. The discussion is organized as follows. First, the feature hierarchy and the theory of underspecification are briefly outlined. I then present a partial analysis of the Keley-i data. The analysis consists of a syncope rule and some rules of consonant assimilation. Finally, I return to the problems that Keley -i presents for the MTH and the LC and propose that the relevant Keley-i data are not only in accordance with the MTH and the LC but predicted by the interaction of the two sub -theories, the Feature Hierarchy and Underspecification.
    • Ki-clauses in Turkish: A paratactic analysis

      Kesici, Esra; Cornell University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2013)
      This paper proposes a unified treatment for Turkish embedded clauses headed by the complementizer 'ki,' an element known to be borrowed from Persian. Embedded ki-clauses are generally thought of as just another case of subordination, albeit with an 'Indo-European' pattern. However, arguments are provided that ki-clauses are'paratactic assertions,' that is, paratactic clauses with their own assertoric illocutionary force. The puzzling root-clause character of these clauses, as well as their characteristic syntactic/semantic behavior with respect to word order, NPI-licensing, WH-questions, binding, and focusing adverbs are explained by virtue of this paratactic-assertoric analysis. The presented account of ki-clauses is derivational, capturing the relationship that the ki-clause has with a position inside the matrix clause through an adaptation of Torrego and Uriagereka's (2002) analysis of parataxis used forcomo-clauses in Spanish, and Yoon's (2011) paratactic analysis of Korean subjunctive and evaluative negation constructions.
    • Korean Evidential -te- Inference from Direct Evidence

      Lim, Dongsik; CCHS-CSIC (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      Korean evidential marker -te- introduces difference presuppositions depending on the presence or absence of tense markers. When there is no overt tense, it may introduce the presupposition that the speaker’s assertion is based on her direct perceptive evidence when it is used without any overt tense (direct evidential presupposition). However, when used with other tense markers, it introduces the presupposition that the speaker’s assertion is based on inference from her direct perception of some eventuality (inferential evidential presupposition). Furthermore, without any tense marker, the proposition embedded under the scope of -te- may refer to the eventuality which occurred before the utterance time. To solve this puzzle, I propose that -te- always introduce the inferential evidential presupposition, and the direct evidential presupposition is a special instance of the inferential evidential presupposition based on tautological reasoning. I also propose that -te- introduces a salient time interval t before the utterance time, and explain the past reading triggered by -te- with the absence of tense markers by making the additional assumption that when there is no overt tense is used a covert anaphoric tense is inserted instead.
    • Lambek Calculus and Preposing of Embedded Subjects

      Oehrle, Richard T.; Zhang, Shi; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1989)
    • Lexical Categories and the Luiseño Absolutive

      Steele, Susan; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1987)
    • Lexicalist Grammar and Japanese Passives

      Hasegawa, Nobuko; University of Washington (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1981)
    • LF Subjacency Condition in Japanese

      Yoshimura, Kyoko (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1992)
      Japanese is one of the languages which do not have syntactic wh-movement, i.e., all wh-movement takes place in the LF component. The issue of whether or not the Subjacency Condition holds in such a language has been somewhat controversial in the literature: some linguists claim that there are no Subjacency effects in LF in Japanese (Huang (1982), Saito (1985), Lasnik and Saito (1984, 1989)); while others argue that Japanese actually shows LF Subjacency effects (Fukui (1988), Hasegawa (1985), Nishigauchi (1986, 1990), Pesetsky (1987)). In this paper, we will look at their claims and certain problems for their analyses, and argue that we need something like Subjacency effects to explain data which show incremental grammatical judgements (Section 1). Also, the status of the Subjacency Condition itself seems far from being settled. It has been widely assumed to be a condition on movement (Chomsky (1973, 1977, 1981), Huang (1982), Pesetsky (1982), Lasnik & Saito (1984, 1989), among others); others have argued it is a condition on representations (Freidin (1978), Freidin & Lasnik (1981), McDaniel (1989), Browning (1991)); and the question is left open in Chomsky (1986). We will address this issue briefly and give some data which might support the claim that the Subjacency Condition is a condition on representations at LF as well as at S-Structure (Section 2).
    • Linguistics and General Process Learning Theory

      Flynn, Michael; Carleton College (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1987)
      This paper is sort of an extended footnote, with a faint Borgesian flavor. What I'm going to do is show how one rather prominent argument in the linguistics literature against one aspect of the research program of behaviorism fails to go through. But I'll also observe that this argument appears to have had no practical effect on linguistic investigations, and that many people seem to assume (tacitly, at least) that this argument fails anyway. So my remarks here don't move the field forward any, but what I hope they do is help to get us all a bit clearer about where we are. The argument I'll be examining, given by Noam Chomsky in Reflections on Language (Chomsky 1975), is against a point of view called "general process learning theory ", a view that regards one goal of psychological theorizing to be the discovery of laws of learning that hold across species and across domains of acquisition. Psychological theorizing is by no means a new development on the linguistics scene. It is true, I think, that in most cases the people who have thought about language (including but not limited to people we would call linguists) have done so against the backdrop of a psychological theory that they assumed to be at least on the right track, and the idea was often to see what you could make of language by applying the analytical tools that the given psychological theory made available. Bloomfield (1926) is an example of this. (For some discussion of Bloomfield's views on psychology, see Lyons 1978, chapter 3.) One also in this context thinks of Piaget, Skinner of course, as well as philosophers of the 17th and 18th centuries of both the continental Cartesian variety and the so-called British Empiricists. I also think it's true that Chomsky's impact on psychology is somewhat unusual in that the flow of influence is in the other direction; that is, the question is, "If human language is like this, then what must the mind be like ?" rather than the other way around. Be that as it may, Chomsky has been, by far and away, the leading expositor of the implications of linguistics for the study of the structure of the human mind. It goes without saying that the ramifications of this work have been very rich, the pivotal role of linguistics in the "cognitive sciences" being just one indication of its influence. One of the earliest engagements at discipline boundaries was Chomsky's forceful assault on B.F. Skinner's attempt to extend the domain of behaviorist psychology to human languages. It's this argument that I want to have another look at. To do this it will be useful to try to isolate several facets of the discussion. I should perhaps reiterate, for the connoisseurs of counterrevolution who I know are out there, that my conclusion will be a modest one. I will not be concluding that after all Skinner was right and Chomsky was wrong. On the contrary, I'm going to assume that this game is over, and has been for quite some time. My goal is to call attention to what I think is an Unsolved problem which acquires its interest because it bears on how we regard linguistics as influencing our judgment about the structure of the human mind.
    • Locative inversion and optional features

      Kim, Jeong-Seok; Korea University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      Some locative PPs in English can be optionally fronted in a certain environment, as the following examples show: 1 ( 1) a. John rolled down the hill b. Down the hill rolled JOHN Note that in (lb) the logical subject and the verb are inverted. Example (lb) is called a locative inversion construction. One of the controversial issues in locative inversion is the location of the inverted PP in (1 b) (see, for example, Stowell 1981, Coopmans 1989, Hoekstra and Mulder 1990, Bresnan 1994, Watanabe 1994, Collins 1997, and Jang 1997). Recently, this construction has been given more attention by Collins (1997) with respect to global vs. local economy. In this paper, I explore the locative inversion construction in English within a minimalist framework (cf. Chomsky 1995). In section 2, I review CoUins' (1997) analysis of locative inversion, while section 3 provides an alternative analysis. Lastly, in section 4, I discuss its theoretical implications on the economy of grammar.
    • Low-proficiency L2 Collaborative writing to enhance individual writing and grammatical accuracy

      Consolini, Carla H.; Soto-Lucena, Irene; University of Oregon; University of Pittsburgh (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2020)
      [abstract pending]
    • Measuring conceptual distance using WordNet: the design of a metric for measuring semantic similarity

      Lewis, William D.; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2001)
      This paper describes the development of a metric for measuring the semantic distance or similarity of words using the WordNet lexical database. Such a metric could be of use in development of search engines and text retrieval systems, tasks for which the richness of natural language can cause difficulty. Further, such a metric can prove invaluable to psycholinguists who wish to study lexical semantic similarity or speech errors (specifically malapropisms). The paper first explores an adjusted distance metric, a la Rada et al. 1989, and the problems such a metric presents. Additional analysis shows that adjustments can be made to such a distance metric using density calculations, both based on depth within the network and based on local density. The paper ends with a discussion about automating the task of identifying regions within the semantic space over which density calculations can be made.
    • The Meter of Tohono O'odham Songs

      Fitzgerald, Colleen M.; Department of Linguistics, The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1995)
    • Modeling Q-feature movement in Japanese

      Ginsburg, Jason; Fong, Sandiway; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2007)
      We discuss how we use the Japanese version of PAPPI, a multilingual parsing engine in the Principles-and-Parameters framework (Chomsky 1981), to computationally model a theory that accounts for the grammaticality of certain Japanese wh-constructions. In this theory, a Q-feature is base generated within a wh-phrase and raises to C, where it checks an uninterpretable Q-feature. Qfeature movement can be blocked by an intervening quantificational head; an effect due to the Minimal Link Condition (Chomsky 1995). Furthermore, certain multiple wh-questions in which Q-feature movement is not subject to the Minimal Link Condition are accounted for in terms of the Principle of Minimal Compliance (Richards 2001), which is basically the notion that once a constraint is satisfied it may be subsequently ignored. In this paper, we describe modifications to the parsing engine of PAPPI necessary to implement this Q-feature movement theory.
    • Modeling semantic coherence from corpus data: the fact and the frequency of a co-occurrence

      Pekar, Viktor; Bashkir State University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2001)
      The paper presents a preliminary evaluation of a corpus-based representation of individual words and a method to generalize over these representations. The vector space is represented in a way that gives weight to the fact that words co-occur rather than to the frequency of their co-occurrence. This format is hypothesized to allow for reducing the vector space, minimizing negative effects of data sparseness and enhancing ability of the model to generalize words to novel contexts. The model is assessed by comparing computer-calculated probabilities of different verb-argument combinations with human subjects' judgements about appropriateness of these combinations. The results indicate that there is a correlation between the probabilities calculated by the model and the subjects' evaluations.
    • A Modular Approach to "Passives"

      Jaeggli, Osvaldo A.; University of Southern California (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1981)
    • Modularity

      Farmer, Ann Kathleen; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1981)
    • Mohave Language Planning: Where Has It Been and Where Should It Go from Here?

      Weinberg, Jessica P.; Penfield, Susan D.; Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona; Department of English, University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      The Colorado River Indian Tribes (CRIT), in Parker, Arizona, include four Native Arizonan tribes, Mohave, Chemehuevi, Navajo, and Hopi. These tribes function politically as a unit, although they are distinct in terms of language, culture, and history. While all Native American languages are endangered today, for two of the Colorado River Indian Tribes, the Mohave and Chemehuevi, the language situation is critical. In this paper, we will be concerned only with language planning as it relates to Mohave. As a background for the current language planning situation for Mohave, we briefly discuss the history and current circumstances of the CRIT reservation. We provide a short history of linguistic work on Mohave, we discuss current language planning efforts focused on Mohave, and finally, we make recommendations for continued language preservation and revitalization of Mohave.' We conclude that language planning on the CRIT reservation must involve efforts focused on each of the four tribal languages as well as the blending of language planning efforts for all four CRIT languages to reflect the integrated social reality of the CRIT.
    • Moods and Modes in Yaqui

      Escalante, Fernando (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1984)
      In this paper I will present an analysis of Yaqui moods and modes. Yaqui is an Uto-Aztecan language with approximately eighteen thousand speakers, most of whom live in Sonora, Mexico and Arizona. Yaqui, like all natural languages, has sentence mood. Yaqui is a verb -final language and has sentence-final suffixes marking tense /aspect and modality. Some of the terminology that I employ here is presented in Bach and Harnish (1979). The Yaqui taxonomy of communicative illocutionary acts contains Constatives, Directives, Commissives, and Acknowledgements. These illocutionary acts are carried out by employing a sentence with a particular mood /modal status. The terms "mood" and "mode" are frequently employed interchangeably, or with no clear definition of the difference between the two. My proposal here is that we may define sentence mood in Yaqui as a set of elements that define sentence type, that are necessary for sentencehood, and that are mutually exclusive. In contrast, sentence modes are optional features of sentences and are not mutually exclusive. Modes may occur with one another and necessarily occur with some mood. I will also distinguish between major and minor sentence moods; the minor moods may be recognized as sub-varieties of the major moods. An interesting result of this analysis is the identification of the semantic and pragmatic factors that constrain possible mood/mode combinations. I will now specify the Yaqui moods and modes. Moods: Every Yaqui sentence has one and only one mood. The three major moods in Yaqui are Declarative, Interrogative, and Imperative. Minor Moods: I identify four minor moods. The minor moods can be viewed as varieties or sub-classes of the major moods. The minor moods are Warnings, Prohibitions, Tag Questions, and Queclaratives. The first two are sub-varieties of the Imperative mood, and the latter two are sub-varieties of the Interrogative mood. These minor moods have pragmatic functions that differ from those of the corresponding major moods. Modes: Yaqui modes are either epistemic (relating to truth) or deontic (relating to action or control). The modes cooccur with the moods and with each other, as I will show. To begin, I will first describe the structure of each of the major moods.
    • The morphology of affix sharing in Turkish

      Kharytonava, Olga; University of Western Ontario (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2011)
      This paper analyses the phenomenon of Suspended Affixation (SA) which refers to a situation in coordinated constructions when affixes on the final conjunct have scope over all the non-final conjuncts. The main goal of this paper is to look at the structure of SA for Noun Compound Coordination and to find out how pl and poss suffixes behave regarding suspension. Previous studies have shown that in N and NP coordination poss cannot be suspended leaving pl on the non-final conjunct. This study tests the suspendability of poss in the context of Noun Compound coordination. Since SA seems to represent gradient judgment data two acceptability judgment studies were conducted to find out the (un)grammaticality of Noun Compound constructions. The results show that pl and poss suffixes cannot be suspended for independent reasons. The suspendability of poss does not depend on the presence/absence of pl in the structure due to its structural position. This article proposes an analysis of SA in N and NP coordination which represents a combination of two approaches on SA already proposed in literature and is based on the idea of Parallel Merge proposed by Citko (2005). SA in N and NP coordination is considered to be a coordination of fully inflected conjuncts where the inflections are parallel-merged with two conjuncts (final and non-final). I show that due to the structure of Noun Compound coordination constructions, pl and poss cannot be parallel-merged because of a minimality condition: a non-final conjunct has to be a Minimal Morphological Word.