• Measuring conceptual distance using WordNet: the design of a metric for measuring semantic similarity

      Lewis, William D.; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2001)
      This paper describes the development of a metric for measuring the semantic distance or similarity of words using the WordNet lexical database. Such a metric could be of use in development of search engines and text retrieval systems, tasks for which the richness of natural language can cause difficulty. Further, such a metric can prove invaluable to psycholinguists who wish to study lexical semantic similarity or speech errors (specifically malapropisms). The paper first explores an adjusted distance metric, a la Rada et al. 1989, and the problems such a metric presents. Additional analysis shows that adjustments can be made to such a distance metric using density calculations, both based on depth within the network and based on local density. The paper ends with a discussion about automating the task of identifying regions within the semantic space over which density calculations can be made.
    • The Meter of Tohono O'odham Songs

      Fitzgerald, Colleen M.; Department of Linguistics, The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1995)
    • Modeling Q-feature movement in Japanese

      Ginsburg, Jason; Fong, Sandiway; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2007)
      We discuss how we use the Japanese version of PAPPI, a multilingual parsing engine in the Principles-and-Parameters framework (Chomsky 1981), to computationally model a theory that accounts for the grammaticality of certain Japanese wh-constructions. In this theory, a Q-feature is base generated within a wh-phrase and raises to C, where it checks an uninterpretable Q-feature. Qfeature movement can be blocked by an intervening quantificational head; an effect due to the Minimal Link Condition (Chomsky 1995). Furthermore, certain multiple wh-questions in which Q-feature movement is not subject to the Minimal Link Condition are accounted for in terms of the Principle of Minimal Compliance (Richards 2001), which is basically the notion that once a constraint is satisfied it may be subsequently ignored. In this paper, we describe modifications to the parsing engine of PAPPI necessary to implement this Q-feature movement theory.
    • Modeling semantic coherence from corpus data: the fact and the frequency of a co-occurrence

      Pekar, Viktor; Bashkir State University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2001)
      The paper presents a preliminary evaluation of a corpus-based representation of individual words and a method to generalize over these representations. The vector space is represented in a way that gives weight to the fact that words co-occur rather than to the frequency of their co-occurrence. This format is hypothesized to allow for reducing the vector space, minimizing negative effects of data sparseness and enhancing ability of the model to generalize words to novel contexts. The model is assessed by comparing computer-calculated probabilities of different verb-argument combinations with human subjects' judgements about appropriateness of these combinations. The results indicate that there is a correlation between the probabilities calculated by the model and the subjects' evaluations.
    • A Modular Approach to "Passives"

      Jaeggli, Osvaldo A.; University of Southern California (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1981)
    • Modularity

      Farmer, Ann Kathleen; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1981)
    • Mohave Language Planning: Where Has It Been and Where Should It Go from Here?

      Weinberg, Jessica P.; Penfield, Susan D.; Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona; Department of English, University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      The Colorado River Indian Tribes (CRIT), in Parker, Arizona, include four Native Arizonan tribes, Mohave, Chemehuevi, Navajo, and Hopi. These tribes function politically as a unit, although they are distinct in terms of language, culture, and history. While all Native American languages are endangered today, for two of the Colorado River Indian Tribes, the Mohave and Chemehuevi, the language situation is critical. In this paper, we will be concerned only with language planning as it relates to Mohave. As a background for the current language planning situation for Mohave, we briefly discuss the history and current circumstances of the CRIT reservation. We provide a short history of linguistic work on Mohave, we discuss current language planning efforts focused on Mohave, and finally, we make recommendations for continued language preservation and revitalization of Mohave.' We conclude that language planning on the CRIT reservation must involve efforts focused on each of the four tribal languages as well as the blending of language planning efforts for all four CRIT languages to reflect the integrated social reality of the CRIT.
    • Moods and Modes in Yaqui

      Escalante, Fernando (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1984)
      In this paper I will present an analysis of Yaqui moods and modes. Yaqui is an Uto-Aztecan language with approximately eighteen thousand speakers, most of whom live in Sonora, Mexico and Arizona. Yaqui, like all natural languages, has sentence mood. Yaqui is a verb -final language and has sentence-final suffixes marking tense /aspect and modality. Some of the terminology that I employ here is presented in Bach and Harnish (1979). The Yaqui taxonomy of communicative illocutionary acts contains Constatives, Directives, Commissives, and Acknowledgements. These illocutionary acts are carried out by employing a sentence with a particular mood /modal status. The terms "mood" and "mode" are frequently employed interchangeably, or with no clear definition of the difference between the two. My proposal here is that we may define sentence mood in Yaqui as a set of elements that define sentence type, that are necessary for sentencehood, and that are mutually exclusive. In contrast, sentence modes are optional features of sentences and are not mutually exclusive. Modes may occur with one another and necessarily occur with some mood. I will also distinguish between major and minor sentence moods; the minor moods may be recognized as sub-varieties of the major moods. An interesting result of this analysis is the identification of the semantic and pragmatic factors that constrain possible mood/mode combinations. I will now specify the Yaqui moods and modes. Moods: Every Yaqui sentence has one and only one mood. The three major moods in Yaqui are Declarative, Interrogative, and Imperative. Minor Moods: I identify four minor moods. The minor moods can be viewed as varieties or sub-classes of the major moods. The minor moods are Warnings, Prohibitions, Tag Questions, and Queclaratives. The first two are sub-varieties of the Imperative mood, and the latter two are sub-varieties of the Interrogative mood. These minor moods have pragmatic functions that differ from those of the corresponding major moods. Modes: Yaqui modes are either epistemic (relating to truth) or deontic (relating to action or control). The modes cooccur with the moods and with each other, as I will show. To begin, I will first describe the structure of each of the major moods.
    • The morphology of affix sharing in Turkish

      Kharytonava, Olga; University of Western Ontario (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2011)
      This paper analyses the phenomenon of Suspended Affixation (SA) which refers to a situation in coordinated constructions when affixes on the final conjunct have scope over all the non-final conjuncts. The main goal of this paper is to look at the structure of SA for Noun Compound Coordination and to find out how pl and poss suffixes behave regarding suspension. Previous studies have shown that in N and NP coordination poss cannot be suspended leaving pl on the non-final conjunct. This study tests the suspendability of poss in the context of Noun Compound coordination. Since SA seems to represent gradient judgment data two acceptability judgment studies were conducted to find out the (un)grammaticality of Noun Compound constructions. The results show that pl and poss suffixes cannot be suspended for independent reasons. The suspendability of poss does not depend on the presence/absence of pl in the structure due to its structural position. This article proposes an analysis of SA in N and NP coordination which represents a combination of two approaches on SA already proposed in literature and is based on the idea of Parallel Merge proposed by Citko (2005). SA in N and NP coordination is considered to be a coordination of fully inflected conjuncts where the inflections are parallel-merged with two conjuncts (final and non-final). I show that due to the structure of Noun Compound coordination constructions, pl and poss cannot be parallel-merged because of a minimality condition: a non-final conjunct has to be a Minimal Morphological Word.
    • Navajo Verbal Prefixes in Current Morphological Theory

      Speas, Peggy (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1982)
      During the last few years, there has been increasing interest in the principles of word formation and structure, which are thought to be "distinct and separate from the principles of sentence formation." (Allen 1978:2) The earlier of the proposals for the organization of the morphological component (eg. Allen (1978), Siegel (1974), Aronoff (1976)) dealt only with derivational morphology? Inflectional morphology was presumed to fall within the domain of syntax, and therefore was not expected to adhere to the same principles or utilize the same machinery as derivational morphology. Recently, several morphological theories have been proposed which provide a uniform set of machinery for accomplishing all inflectional and derivational morphological processes within the lexicon. These theories, in which words "emerge" from the lexicon fully formed, can yield interesting results for syntax, as illustrated in Farmer (1980). The majority of these modals of word formation within a generative grammar have been based on English or other (rather closely related) Indo-European languages. In this paper, we intend to investigate the claims of some recent morphological theories using facts from Navajo, an Athabaskan language with a rich polysynthetic system of morphology. In particular, we will investigate the applicability of the theories of Lieber (1980) and Williams (1981) to Navajo's elaborate verbal prefix system. In Section 1, we will outline the facts of Navajo verbal morphology which must be dealt with in a morphological theory. We will show that the Navajo verbal prefixes display a striking pattern of internal organization that has not been noticed before. In Sections 2 and 3, we will outline the proposals of Lieber and Williams, respectively, discussing the applicability of each to Navajo. In Section 4, we will describe the type of system which would be appropriate for the Navajo verb. In this regard we will address the question of hierarchical structure in Navajo verbal morphology. In Section 5, we will address the general questions which our study of Navajo raises for general morphological theory: 1) How are the differences between derivational and inflectional morphology to be characterized? and 2) How does this characterization bear on the possible parameters of a typology of morphological structure?
    • A new category for Kiksht ideophones

      Nelson-Greene, Pearl; Johnson, Isaac; Duncan, Philip T.; University of Kansas (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2021)
    • Nominal possessives in the Ehe dialect of Kurripako: morphology, phonology and semantics

      Granadillo, Tania; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2004)
      In this paper I present data from the Ehe dialect of Kurripako on nominal possessives. I explore different possessive paradigms in order to fully explain the phenomena and draw on the fields of morphology, phonology and semantics to understand the data.
    • Nominative/Accusative case alternation in the Korean 'Siph-ta' construction

      Jung, Hyun Kyoung; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2011)
      This paper investigates the mechanism for nominative/accusative Case alternations in the siph-ta ‘want-to’ construction in Korean. I argue that the Case alternations in the Korean siph-ta construction are motivated by the peculiar property of siph- that it has dual argument structures and restructuring properties. Specifically, the structural Case on the embedded object is determined by 1) the type of the matrix vP that siph- takes—vP(DO) or vP(BE) - and 2) the presence/absence of the functional category responsible for accusative Case checking, which is selected by the matrix predicate siph-. In so doing, it is demonstrated that the dual argument structure analysis can be extended to account for the same type of Case alternations exhibited by Korean psych-verbs as well as the incompatibility between a nominative object and an embedded psych-verb in the siph-ta construction.
    • A Non-Floating Analysis of "Floating" Quantifiers in Japanese: The First Approximation

      Fukushima, Kaz; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1989)
    • Nouns Affect Aspect Syntactically

      MacDonald, Jonathan; University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      In this paper, I offer one argument for the universality of the effect that a noun has on the aspectual properties of the verb phrase based on a perviously unnoticed aspectual asymmetry between count and mass nouns in their aspectual effect. Both Slavic and Germanic show this asymmetry. Using this aspectual asymmetry as a litmus test, I evaluate existing semantic and syntactic accounts of the aspectual effect of the noun to determine which of the two components, syntax or semantics, is most likely the locus of aspectual effect of the noun. I conclude that syntactic accounts can handle these aspectual facts in the most parsimonious manner.
    • Obstacles facing tribal language programs in Warm Springs, Klamath, and Grand Ronde

      Haynes, Erin F.; Oregon State University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2004)
      The education system in the United States has historically repressed and marginalized Native cultures and languages. This has led to the alarming decline of Native language use, including the extinction of many languages. Current programs to revitalize these languages face a number of obstacles, many stemming from historical precedents of cultural genocide and negative attitudes toward Native cultures. This study examines the external issues that face language revitalization programs of Warm Springs, Grand Ronde, and Klamath in Oregon, and concludes that most originate from a dominant ideology that marginalizes Native histories and cultures by ignoring, patronizing, or actively resisting them.
    • On nominal arguments

      Punske, Jeffrey; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2010)
      This paper presents a formal account of the critical difference between standard nominalization and “mixed nominalization” (aka. nominal gerunds) of Chomsky (1970). Using patterns of morphological/syntactic distribution, binding properties, polarity effects and lexical semantic variation, I show that nominal gerunds which have been considered to be near identical to derived nominals are in fact quite distinct. I show that “object arguments” (understood objects of the root) of nominal gerunds fail every test of argumenthood and that the structural relations within these constructions are significantly different than those of derived nominals and verb phrases.
    • On Semantic Agreement with Quantified Subjects in Russian

      Glushan, Zhanna A.; University of Connecticut (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2013)
      Quantified numeral subjects in Russian may famously trigger plural or singular verb agreement. Generative accounts (Pesetsky (1982), Franks (1995), Bošković (2006)) tie the variation to Case and the DP/QP distinction. Corpus-based accounts (Revzin (1978), Corbett (2000), Robblee (1993)), in addition to precedence and definiteness/specificity, note a strong correlation between agreement choice and the animacy of a QNP subject. In this paper, I attempt to reconcile the original generalizations in both linguistic traditions by proposing an account whereby (i) the animacy condition on agreement is an argument structure effect (ii) the connection between Nom case and agreement with QNP subjects is captured by Case as accessibility condition for agreement (Marantz (1991), Bobaljik (2008), Baker (2010) Baker and Vinokurova (2011) but contra Chomsky (2000), (2001)) (iii) definiteness/specificity effects with agreement follow from Diesing’s (1992) Mapping Hypothesis and a locality condition on semantic agreement.
    • On the Internal Organization of Syllable Constituents

      Davis, Stuart (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1982)
      This paper challenges the notion that the rhyme (or "rime") is an obligatory constituent in a theory of syllable -structure.' According to this theory, the syllable is divided into an onset (the syllable - initial consonant or consonants), a peak (the peak of sonority in a syllable), and a coda (the syllable -final consonant or consonants). The peak and the coda are analyzed as forming a unique constituent, the rhyme. Here, however, I will argue against the rhyme as a universal syllable -constituent, and I will propose that, in universal grammar, the syllable has the following "flat" structure. The arguments previously adduced for the constituency of the rhyme seek to demonstrate that peak and coda have a privileged status; there are dependencies (e.g. cooccurrence restrictions) between them, as well as certain (language specific) rule-environmental conditions where both are mentioned. These arguments take such phenomena to be indicators of constituency. However, looking at a wider range of evidence (as will be done in the following sections) reveals that similar relationships hold between other parts of the syllable besides peak and coda. This would lead to a situation of "double-motherhood" where onset and peak, as well as onset and coda, comprise a constituent, since there can also be similar relationships between them. The implausibility of this structure is a serious flaw in the arguments that the peak and the coda together form a constituent, but avoiding it entails rejecting the claim that dependencies and environmental mentionings indicate constituency. But this, in turn, further entails that peak and coda do not have a privileged status as a constituent. In fact, rejecting that claim eliminates all the evidence heretofore adduced in support of the rhyme. Now, the level at which both Selkirk (1978) and Halle & Vergnaud (1980) argue for the obligatoriness of the rhyme is that it is a universal in the strong sense: it is a constituent in all languages. Selkirk argues for its universality by appealing to the existence of phonotactic constraints between peak and coda. This argument for the rhyme as a universal makes an implicit prediction that can be shown to be false (namely, that no phonotactic constraints occur between onset and peak or coda.). Halle & Vergnaud's argument for the rhyme can likewise be invalidated. They argue that all languages have a syllable - constituent, and that the rhyme is a constituent within the syllable. Their justification for the rhyme's universality is that: "... in all languages known to us [them], stress assignment rules are sensitive to the structure of the syllable rime, but disregard completely the character of the onset" (1980:93). Thus, they essentially claim that the rhyme is an obligatory universal. I will show, however, that their argument for the rhyme is likewise invalid, because of the nature of additional evidence that they did not consider. Although the arguments for the constituency of the rhyme as a universal in the strong sense fail, one still can make a weaker claim about the universality of the rhyme: that it is not an obligatory constituent but an available one, that a language can "choose" to use. I will look at some of the evidence from the recent literature that can be construed as supporting the constituency of the rhyme in the weak sense, and I will show that this evidence for the rhyme is not convincing. If the rhyme, then, is an available universal, the case for it still has to be made. After showing the weaknesses of the various arguments for the rhyme (and for non - terminal subconstituents of the syllable in general) I will present the evidence for my claim that the syllable is flat - that no hierarchical relationships exist between onset, peak, and coda.
    • On the Interpretation of 'Null Anaphora' in Japanese

      Natsuko, Tsujimura; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1984)