• Obstacles facing tribal language programs in Warm Springs, Klamath, and Grand Ronde

      Haynes, Erin F.; Oregon State University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2004)
      The education system in the United States has historically repressed and marginalized Native cultures and languages. This has led to the alarming decline of Native language use, including the extinction of many languages. Current programs to revitalize these languages face a number of obstacles, many stemming from historical precedents of cultural genocide and negative attitudes toward Native cultures. This study examines the external issues that face language revitalization programs of Warm Springs, Grand Ronde, and Klamath in Oregon, and concludes that most originate from a dominant ideology that marginalizes Native histories and cultures by ignoring, patronizing, or actively resisting them.
    • On nominal arguments

      Punske, Jeffrey; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2010)
      This paper presents a formal account of the critical difference between standard nominalization and “mixed nominalization” (aka. nominal gerunds) of Chomsky (1970). Using patterns of morphological/syntactic distribution, binding properties, polarity effects and lexical semantic variation, I show that nominal gerunds which have been considered to be near identical to derived nominals are in fact quite distinct. I show that “object arguments” (understood objects of the root) of nominal gerunds fail every test of argumenthood and that the structural relations within these constructions are significantly different than those of derived nominals and verb phrases.
    • On Semantic Agreement with Quantified Subjects in Russian

      Glushan, Zhanna A.; University of Connecticut (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2013)
      Quantified numeral subjects in Russian may famously trigger plural or singular verb agreement. Generative accounts (Pesetsky (1982), Franks (1995), Bošković (2006)) tie the variation to Case and the DP/QP distinction. Corpus-based accounts (Revzin (1978), Corbett (2000), Robblee (1993)), in addition to precedence and definiteness/specificity, note a strong correlation between agreement choice and the animacy of a QNP subject. In this paper, I attempt to reconcile the original generalizations in both linguistic traditions by proposing an account whereby (i) the animacy condition on agreement is an argument structure effect (ii) the connection between Nom case and agreement with QNP subjects is captured by Case as accessibility condition for agreement (Marantz (1991), Bobaljik (2008), Baker (2010) Baker and Vinokurova (2011) but contra Chomsky (2000), (2001)) (iii) definiteness/specificity effects with agreement follow from Diesing’s (1992) Mapping Hypothesis and a locality condition on semantic agreement.
    • On the Internal Organization of Syllable Constituents

      Davis, Stuart (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1982)
      This paper challenges the notion that the rhyme (or "rime") is an obligatory constituent in a theory of syllable -structure.' According to this theory, the syllable is divided into an onset (the syllable - initial consonant or consonants), a peak (the peak of sonority in a syllable), and a coda (the syllable -final consonant or consonants). The peak and the coda are analyzed as forming a unique constituent, the rhyme. Here, however, I will argue against the rhyme as a universal syllable -constituent, and I will propose that, in universal grammar, the syllable has the following "flat" structure. The arguments previously adduced for the constituency of the rhyme seek to demonstrate that peak and coda have a privileged status; there are dependencies (e.g. cooccurrence restrictions) between them, as well as certain (language specific) rule-environmental conditions where both are mentioned. These arguments take such phenomena to be indicators of constituency. However, looking at a wider range of evidence (as will be done in the following sections) reveals that similar relationships hold between other parts of the syllable besides peak and coda. This would lead to a situation of "double-motherhood" where onset and peak, as well as onset and coda, comprise a constituent, since there can also be similar relationships between them. The implausibility of this structure is a serious flaw in the arguments that the peak and the coda together form a constituent, but avoiding it entails rejecting the claim that dependencies and environmental mentionings indicate constituency. But this, in turn, further entails that peak and coda do not have a privileged status as a constituent. In fact, rejecting that claim eliminates all the evidence heretofore adduced in support of the rhyme. Now, the level at which both Selkirk (1978) and Halle & Vergnaud (1980) argue for the obligatoriness of the rhyme is that it is a universal in the strong sense: it is a constituent in all languages. Selkirk argues for its universality by appealing to the existence of phonotactic constraints between peak and coda. This argument for the rhyme as a universal makes an implicit prediction that can be shown to be false (namely, that no phonotactic constraints occur between onset and peak or coda.). Halle & Vergnaud's argument for the rhyme can likewise be invalidated. They argue that all languages have a syllable - constituent, and that the rhyme is a constituent within the syllable. Their justification for the rhyme's universality is that: "... in all languages known to us [them], stress assignment rules are sensitive to the structure of the syllable rime, but disregard completely the character of the onset" (1980:93). Thus, they essentially claim that the rhyme is an obligatory universal. I will show, however, that their argument for the rhyme is likewise invalid, because of the nature of additional evidence that they did not consider. Although the arguments for the constituency of the rhyme as a universal in the strong sense fail, one still can make a weaker claim about the universality of the rhyme: that it is not an obligatory constituent but an available one, that a language can "choose" to use. I will look at some of the evidence from the recent literature that can be construed as supporting the constituency of the rhyme in the weak sense, and I will show that this evidence for the rhyme is not convincing. If the rhyme, then, is an available universal, the case for it still has to be made. After showing the weaknesses of the various arguments for the rhyme (and for non - terminal subconstituents of the syllable in general) I will present the evidence for my claim that the syllable is flat - that no hierarchical relationships exist between onset, peak, and coda.
    • On the Interpretation of 'Null Anaphora' in Japanese

      Natsuko, Tsujimura; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1984)
    • On the meaning(s) of 'after' in varieties of Scottish English

      Reed, Sylvia L.; Wheaton College (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2013)
      Basic spatial and temporal meanings of the preposition after in Standard American English and Highland Scottish English are accounted for in this proposed semantics of the preposition. In addition, two seemingly aberrant meanings in Highland Scottish English and Lowlands Scots/ Lowlands Scottish English are discussed; the proposed semantics accounts for these meanings as well. The meaning of after is related to the meanings of first and subsequent, which are given definitions in terms of points of reference.
    • On the Nature of Syntactic Structure: Implications for a Theory of Reference

      Farmer, Ann; Tsujimura, Natsuko (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1984)
    • On the Syntactic Reification of Implicit Subjects

      van Urk, Coppe; Massachusetts Institute of Technology (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      This paper presents an empirical argument for the claim that implicit subjects of passives are syntactically projected. It is shown that obligatory control by implicit subjects in the passive is subject to a syntactic restriction. Specifically, across languages, promotion of a DP to spec-TP blocks control by the implicit subject of a passive. This is what lies behind the old observation that subject control is incompatible with passivization in English, or Visser's Generalization (VG) (e.g. Jenkins 1972; Bresnan 1982). This generalization is a natural consequence of the logic of an agreement-based theory of control (Borer 1989; Landau 2000 et seq.), if it is assumed that control by implicit subjects is established syntactically.
    • On Wh-Movement from Subject Position

      Tsujimura, Natsuko (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1983)
      Among the current approaches to universal grammar, those within the framework of the Extended Standard Theory have been considered as promising by a number of transformationalists. In this theory, the transformational component "Move " maps D- structures onto S- structures leaving behind traces which are coindexed with the roved elements. "Move a" represents both "Move NP" and "Move wh-phrase ". In this framework, a large number of phenomena involving WH-Movement and traces have been accounted for. One interesting case is the to contraction phenomenon in English. A familiar example of the phenomenon can be seen in the contraction of "want + to → wanna", and the following are, according to Chomsky and Lasnik (1977), the cases which involve traces (indicated as t) left behind by WH- Movement (i.e., (3) , (4)) : (1) I want to meet John. (2) I want Mary to meet John. (3) Who do you want to meet t? (4) Who do you want t to meet John? (5) Who do you wanna meet t? (6) *Who do you wanna meet John? where sentences of the type in (3) and (4) are derived from sentences like (1) and (2), respectively, (ignoring the difference in subjects) by WH- Movement. The contraction in question is observed in (5) and (6), which are the contracted versions of (3) and (4), respectively. WH- Movement leaves traces in (3) and (4) as shown in (7) and (8): (7) [who [do you want [to meet t] ] ] (8) [who [do you want [t to meet John]]] Chomsky and Lasnik claim that the trace left by WH- Movemrent in (8) intervenes between want and to, which makes the contraction impossible. On the other hand, the trace in (7) does not cone between want and to, hence, contraction may take place (cf. (5)). 142 Jaeggli (1980) refines this account for to contraction phenomena by distinguishing between two kinds of traces, i.e., Case-marked versus non-Case-marked trace. Only Case-marked traces, i.e., traces of WH- Movement, prevent contraction, whereas traces which are not Case- marked allow the contraction. The crucial cases of the latter involve contraction in semiauxiliaries, where the trace is left by Raising.' At this point, we should ask the question: can contraction phenomena be generalizable within the framework of trace theory? In other words, can trace theory be extended to account for contraction phenomena in general? If we assume that contraction phenomena cannot be generalized, the to constraction phenomenon would be an idiosyncratic feature, and could be treated in the lexical domain by considering the contracted forms as independent entries in the lexicon. On the other hand, if we assume that the phenomena can be generalized, trace theory should account for other contractions such an auxiliary contraction as well as the to contraction phenomenon. Although the choice between the two assumptions seems to be theory -dependent, we will take the latter assumption in this paper; that is, contraction phenomena can be generalized. Given this assumption, we encounter a problem with auxiliary contraction phenomena. Consider the following: (9) a. Who t has seen John? b. Who's seen John? where t in (9a) is the trace of WH-Movement, and (9b) is the contracted version of (9a). While trace theory accounts for the contraction phenomenon in (5)-(6) on the one hand, it would wrongly predict that the trace in (9a), which is left behind by WH-Movement, prevents the contraction between who and has on the other hand, since the trace in (9a) is Case - marked, and is supposed to prevent the contraction. Provided that we continue assuming trace theory can account for contraction phenomena in general, we might posit the contraction revealed in (9) is attributed to other assumptions underlying the derivation of the sentences of (9). One such assumption I would like to examine in this paper has to do with WH-Movement from subject position. Thus far, when we assume "Move wh-phrase" in core grammar for English, we have also assumed movement from subject position as in (9) as well as from object position (e.g. (3)). On the other hand, if we suppose that WH- Movement does not apply to subject position in a root sentence, preserving the generalization of contraction phenomena within the framework of trace theory, the problem with regard to the auxiliary contraction as seen in (9) does not arise, since no trace intervenes between the two elements to be contracted. Besides the problem stated above, WH- Movement from this position raises other problems, which I will discuss in Section 3. Given the above outline of the discussion, in Section 2, I would like to propose the hypothesis that WH- Movement does not apply to subject position in a root sentence (call it the No WH-Movement Hypothesis). The rest of the discussion consists of the following two sections: in Section 1, a set of counterexamples are presented to the trace theory account for contraction phenomena, assuming the phenomena are generalizable, and some attempts are made to solve the problem with respect to the auxiliary contraction as in (9), under the assumption that WH-Movement takes place in subject position; in Section 3, I will formulate a constraint on "Move wh-phrase" in order to prevent WH-Movement from subject position. Throughout this paper, I mean by subject position, the position in a root sentence.
    • Onomatopoeia and Metaphor

      Tomoda, Shizuko (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1984)
      Japanese has a great number of onomatopoeic expressions. The frequency of their usage in communication varies from situation to situation. For example, the frequency in casual speech is higher than in formal speech. Also, the usage of onomatopoeic expressions is often found in newspaper headlines, ads, cartoons, and novels. Particularly in these first three cases, onomatopoeic expressions provoke vivid images. The primary motivation for the usage of these expressions is due to this function. The concept which a speaker or a writer has in his mind and intends to convey to a hearer or a reader can be precisely compressed into a single lexical item, that is, an onomatopoeic expression. In our communicative environment, we also find many metaphors, metaphorical expressions, and conceptual metaphors (see Lakoff and Johnson (1980)). Particularly with regard to the purpose of usage or creation, we can see some similarities between onomatopoeia and metaphor. Moreover, if we consider both metaphor and onomatopoeia as "symbolic concepts" in a broad sense, it is plausible to expect the existence of similarities between them. In this paper, I attempt to show how onomatopoeia in Japanese applies to metaphorical extension. This paper consists of three sections. The first section provides mainly background information of onomatopoeia in Japanese, where the classification and semantic function of onomatopoeia will be examined. In the second section, I will postulate a mechanism of comprehension of onomatopoeia based on my assumption that there exist similarities between onomatopoeia and metaphor. Although the postulation of a mechanism of comprehension would vary depending on the particular theory of metaphor, I do not intend to address any theoretical issue related to metaphor in this paper, since I consider the paramount objective here to be strictly the presentation of a pilot study of onomatopoeia in Japanese with regard to metaphorical extention. In the third section, I will present the semantic experiments performed and discuss the results of these experiments.
    • An optimality-theoretic analysis of Navajo sibilant harmony

      Oberly, Stacey; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2008)
      This paper presents an Optimality-Theoretic analysis (Prince and Smolensky, 1993) of sibilant harmony in Navajo. This Optimality- Theoretic (OT) analysis uses correspondence theory (McCarthy and Prince, 1995) to account for changes in the [±anterior] feature in coronal segments in the verbal conjunct domain. Specifically, the place of articulation of the rightmost coronal fricative segment determines the place of articulation of all other coronal fricatives in the verbal conjunct domain via Ident, Agree and Max constraints. This OT analysis is innovative in that it posits a constraint that protects pronominal-argument morphemes from deletion.
    • Organizing linguistic data: thematic introducers as an example

      Porhiel, Sylvie; Laboratoire Langues, Textes, Traitements informatiques, Cognition and Laboratoire d’Informatique pour la Mécanique et les Sciences de l’Ingénieur (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2001)
      In this paper I propose to model specific French linguistic markers, thematic introducers (e.g. au sujet de, à propos de, en ce qui concerne, concernant, etc.) in the ContextO platform developed by the LaLic team in the Université de Paris IV. I use the software to locate thematic structures in texts. The software uses a linguistic database in order to trace the relevant linguistic information that the user is looking at. The ultimate aim is to create a database that matches the linguistic representation in order to create a linguist-friendly tool. I review several studies that propose a classification containing thematic introducers and then explain how I have proceeded to propose a customized distribution of the thematic introducers to meet the constraints of the system.
    • Palatron: a technique for aligning ultrasound images of the tongue and palate

      Mielke, Jeff; Baker, Adam; Archangeli, Diana; Racy, Sumayya; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2005)
      This paper describes a technique for aligning ultrasound images of the tongue to images of the palate, providing both a fixed point of reference and a means to consider the tongue in the context of passive articulators, thereby addressing two major challenges presented by ultrasound as a means of articulatory imaging, without compromising its portability.
    • Paradigmatic Structures and Word Formation

      Miyagawa, Shigeru; Ohio State University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1981)
      In this paper I will propose an organization of the lexicon in which all verb stems are arranged according to their meaning and the number of NP arguments they subcategorize. I will take data from Japanese to show that this organization, which I will refer to as paradigmatic structures, makes predictions about meanings associated with morphological derivatives. I will in particular look at the causative morpheme sas to illustrate this. I will further show that the paradigmatic structures are part of a larger system that provides a general constraint on all word formation processes.
    • Parallel lexical optimality theory

      Baker, Adam; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2005)
      Parallel Lexical Optimality Theory (PLOT) is a model I propose to account for opacity and related phenomena in Optimality Theory. PLOT recognizes three input interfaces and three output interfaces to the grammar. Interfaces are related to each other by constituency and by correspondence (McCarthy & Prince 1995). PLOT’s architecture provides sufficient power to account for opacity, but is not overly powerful, I argue. Additionally, PLOT interfaces neatly with Comparative Markedness (McCarthy 2002b) to explain the co-occurrence of derived environment effects and counterfeeding opacity. PLOT also makes more limited typological predictions than LPM-OT (Kiparsky 2003), on which PLOT is based, since PLOT recognizes only one markedness hierarchy for the grammar.
    • The perception of novel phoneme contrasts in a second language: a developmental study of native speakers of English learning Japanese singleton and geminate consonant contrasts

      Hayes, Rachel L.; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2001)
      This work explores development in the perception of Japanese singleton and geminate consonant contrasts among native speakers of English learning Japanese as a second language. The primary goal of this paper is to show that the second language (L2) acquisition of phoneme contrasts that are not present in the first language (L1) exhibits development that is predictable from the acoustic properties of the contrast. Additionally I attribute differences in the perception of particular singleton/geminate contrasts by both native speakers of Japanese and learners of Japanese as a result of acoustic properties of the contrasts.
    • The placement of second-position subject clitics in Alsea

      Sui, Yanyan; University of Pennsylvania (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2011)
      This paper aims to spell out the post-syntactic operations involved in the placement of second-position subject clitics in Alsea, an extinct language of the central Oregon coast. It assumes that the subject clitic is a syntactic head that is moved to a complementizer position in syntax, but is linearized in a post-syntactic morphological component in PF; operations in morphology account for the deviation of the subject clitic from its syntactic output position. Based on Buckley (1994), this paper proposes a two-stage post-syntactic derivation to account for the subject clitic distribution in Alsea: (i) concatenation, in which the subject clitic adjoins to an adjacent head of the same type to satisfy its suffixal requirement, (ii) prosodic readjustment, whereby a clitic whose morphological host is non-overt, leans rightward to procliticize to the first prosodic constituent.
    • The Position of the Subject in Spoken Saudi Arabic: A Processing Perspective

      Thompson, Ellen; Werfelli, Sawsan; Florida International University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      One of the most widely-discussed issues in Arabic syntax concerns the position of the subject. In this work, we investigate the processing of verb-initial and subject-initial structures in spoken Saudi Arabic in order to shed light on this debate. We examine the processing times associated with these constructions and argue that processing considerations provide evidence for a particular conception of Arabic syntax according to which VSO order is derived with the subject remaining in VP and verb raising over the subject, while SVO order is derived with the subject raising out of VP to Spec, TP, or to a higher Inflectional Phrase, and the verb raising to a position lower than the subject.
    • Postverbal Subject in Thai

      Sookgasem, Prapa; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1989)
      In this paper I provide an analysis of the postverbal subject in Thai. Thai is described as a SVO language by Hawkins (1983) and by Thai grammarians such as Surintramont (1979), Sriphen (1972), Waroamasikkhadit (1972), Kullavanija (1968), Chaiyaratana (1966) and in Thai traditional grammar books. However these analyses seem to be problematic due to the peculiar characteristics of such verbs as mii 'exist', kEEt 'occur', duumlan 'seem' as well as verb-like adjectives, which do not require any element or unit at all in the position right before them in a declarative sentence. To my knowledge these particular verbs have been analyzed simply as taking a non -overt subject or a deleted subject. This phenomenon raises the following questions: Do these verbs and verb-like adjectives require subjects? If so, where are they located? If not, what types of verbs are they? Are some sentences spoken in isolation in Thai are subjectless? In this analysis, I focus on the occurrence of the existential verb mii in a sentence spoken in isolation. I first present the forms of subject and object of intransitive and transitive verbs, including an element or a unit in the post-position of verb mii 'exist'. I argue that the misconstruction is a sentence, not a verb phrase. Then I argue that the element following the verb mii 'exist' is a subject, not a direct object, of this verb. Hence there are two subject types in Thai: preverbal and postverbal, with the subject verb (SV) structure for the former and the verb -subject (VS) for the latter. The paper ends with an application of HPSG theory (Pollard and Sag 1987) to the SV and VS structures in this language. I give the mii 'exist' and kEEt 'occur' constructions as examples for the VS structures. I divide the paper into five sections. Section 1: The Notion 'Subject'; Section 2: Background of the Thai Language: the points relevant to this particular analysis; Section 3: The Analysis; Section 4: Application of HPSG Theory to the SV and VS Structures in Thai; and Section 5: Conclusion.