• Quantity (in)sensitivity and underlying glottal-stop deletion in Capanahua

      Elias-Ulloa, Jose; Rutgers University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2004)
      This article accounts for two superficially contradicting phenomena found in Capanahua. In this language, underlying glottal stops are deleted in the coda of even syllables. The account of the distribution of glottal-stop deletion depends on quantity-insensitive footing. Glottal stops cannot occur at the right edge of metrical feet. However, contrary to expectations, Capanahua has a quantity-sensitive stress. Closed syllables attract stress. The account presented solves the puzzle in a straightforward and unified way. While both phenomena rely on disyllabic feet, the quantity of closed syllables contextually varies within disyllabic feet: closed syllables surface as heavy if they are stressed and if they do not form part of an (HL) foot; otherwise, they surface as light.
    • A reanalysis of the Aymara verb using prototypes

      Levin, Erik; University of Chicago (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2004)
      Up to this point, the Aymara verb has been analyzed as a matrix of tense and evidentiality (i.e. how the speaker came to know of an event). Under this analysis, the morphology is defective in two regards. It collapses the distant past and the present/near past for non-personal knowledge, and there is no evidentiality distinction for the future form. Furthermore, there are significant ‘exceptions’ to the uses of these forms. A more elegant, non-defective analysis without ‘exceptions’ is possible if we recognize that the previous analyses have imposed Indo-European categories onto a language that does not give precedence to them. Whereas most Indo-European languages are more concerned with locating an event in time, Aymara prioritizes how much responsibility a speaker assumes for the information in a speech act. Even for instances when time is the most salient piece of information, previous studies have neglected to incorporate the Aymara conception of time. In contrast to a Western view, in which the speaker conceptually looks faces forward toward the future, the Aymara place the past in front of the speaker, because it is ‘visible’. The unknown, unseen future lies behind the speaker. This construal of the unknowable future fits into the Aymara focus on evidentiality. Further investigation shows that Aymara verbs reflect four grades of how sure a speaker is of the information that he or she reports. The passage of time is simply the prototype of any of a number of reasons for which a speaker may choose to accept less responsibility. Other reasons include hearsay, surprise, and intoxication. This study suggests a new approach to analyzing tense, aspect, and modality in languages such as Aymara.
    • Reciprocity in Spanish: Two Puzzles of Scope

      Gerfen, Chip (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1992)
      Heim, Lasnik, and May (1991a, henceforth HLMa) note an interesting contrast in the behavior of the following sentences in English (their 78a -b): 1.a) They look like each other. b) They look alike. As HLMa point out, when embedded, the two sentences have distinct properties (their 79a -b): 2.a) John and Mary think they look like each other. b) John and Mary think they look alike. Sentence (2a) is ambiguous between broad and narrow scope interpretations. Thus, (2a) can either mean 'John thinks he looks like Mary, and Mary thinks that she looks like John' (the broad reading) or 'John and Mary think they (John and Mary) look like each other' (the narrow reading). In contrast, (2b) can only be construed with narrow scope. For HLMa the ambiguity of (2a) receives an explanation in terms of the morphological complexity of the reciprocal expression each other. Specifically, the quantificational distribution element each is adjoined to an antecedent, which is then subject to QR via the rule move-α at logical form (see May 1977, 1985). Put simply, this allows for different scope interpretations, depending on how far up the phrase marker each is moved. In contrast, the morphologically simplex alike contains no detachable distribution element, and, as a result, only the narrow scope reading is available. Of interest here is the fact that HLMa base their argument on the distinction between reciprocal meaning that is incorporated within a morphologically simplex versus a morphologically complex item. In support of this claim, they offer the following minimal pair of sentences from Italian (attributed to Luigi Rizzi): 3.a) I due pensano [di essersi battuti] (contradictory); the two thought be-each other-clitic beaten b) I due pensano [di avere prevalso l'uno sull'altro] (ambiguous); the two thought have prevailed the one over the other HLMa note that when taken by themselves, the embedded clauses in (3a -b) are both contradictory, but that only (3b) receives a non -contradictory reading in the embedded construction. In a manner analogous to their treatment of the English data in (1 -2), HLMa claim that this distinction is attributable to the fact that the clitic in (3a) forms a morphological unit with the verb to which it is attached and, thus, cannot be moved at LF. In contrast, they follow Belletti (1982) in arguing that the full form of the Italian reciprocal l'uno...l'altro includes a distributor l'uno which can be detached and moved at LF. Though no specific analysis is provided, it is assumed that the broad scope, and hence non -contradictory, construal of (3b) is attributable to the adjunction of the distributor l'uno to the antecedent I due. With these facts in mind, I consider the question of scope in Spanish reciprocal constructions. In sections 2 and 3, I present a surprising scope asymmetry between non -full (clitic) and full reciprocal constructions, which indicates that unlike English, the full reciprocal el uno al otro in Spanish does not allow for broad scope interpretations when embedded. In section 4, I argue that el uno al otro in Spanish is best analyzed as an adjunct, rather than as the subcategorized argument of the verb. And in section 5, I explore HLM's (1991b) "each-binding" variant of the movement analysis proposed in HLMa, showing that the asymmetry between full and non -full reciprocals can be accounted for in terms of the obligatory local A'-binding of the variable el uno of the adjoined full form. In section 6, I expand the data, providing evidence of another scope asymmetry. Specifically, I show that in contrast to the el uno al otro adjunct of the clitic doubled construction, VP adjuncts such as prepositional phrases with a reciprocal object do allow broad construals from embedded clauses. I argue that this asymmetry motivates the need to formally distinguish between at least two types of adjuncts, appositional adjuncts such as the doubled el uno al otro construction, and standard adjuncts such as PPs. I suggest that a profitable way of making this distinction can be found in restricting the assignment of referential indexes in the Relativized Minimality framework (Rizzi 1990). This approach both preserves the account of the asymmetry between non-full or clitic reciprocals and their doubled counterparts, as allows for broad construals from standard adjuncts.
    • Reconstruction and Linearity in Long-Distance Cleft Constructions

      Tanaka, Hidekazu; Kizu, Mika; University of British Columbia; McGill University; University of Durham (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      This paper is concerned with cleft constructions and reconstruction effects in English and Japanese. Japanese cleft constructions involve two different syntactic dependencies, movement and deletion. This assumption explains facts that have not been reported in the literature. The reflexive pronoun in (la) and the reciprocal pronoun in (lb) in the focus phrase can be bound either by the higher subject or by the lower subject in the presupposition. In clear contrast, the lower subject in Japanese cleft constructions cannot bind anaphors in the focus phrase. In (2), only the higher subject can bind the anaphors in the focus phrase. What explains the contrast between (1) and (2)? We argue that an operator in Japanese moves from the position adjoined to the lower clause (tk in (3)), not from the thematic gap position (ek). It is shown that the dependency (ii) in (3) stems from movement, and (i) from deletion. Since Opk (or the focus phrase associated with it) reconstructs only to the position of tk, the anaphor can only be bound by the higher subject, Sallyi-Nom.
    • Reduplication in Distributed Morphology

      Haugen, Jason D.; Oberlin College (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2011)
      The two extant approaches to reduplication in Distributed Morphology (DM) are: (i) the readjustment approach, where reduplication is claimed to result from a readjustment operation on some stem triggered by a (typically null) affix; and (ii) the affixation approach, where reduplication is claimed to result from the insertion of a special type of Vocabulary Item (i.e. a reduplicative affix–“reduplicant” or “Red”) which gets inserted into a syntactic node in order to discharge some morphosyntactic feature(s), but which receives its own phonological content from some other stem (i.e. its “base”) in the output. This paper argues from phonologically-conditioned allomorphy pertaining to base-dependence, as in the case of durative reduplication in Tawala, that the latter approach best accounts for a necessary distinction between “reduplicants” and “bases” as different types of morphemes which display different phonological effects, including “the emergence of the unmarked” effects, in many languages. I also defend a blended model of DM which incorporates a constraint-based Correspondence Theoretic vision of Phonological Form. In this model the syntax builds morphological structure as per standard DM assumptions, which in turn leads to local and cyclic restrictions on allomorph selection, as argued in Embick (2010). I argue contra Embick (2010), however, that the phonology must be an essential part of the grammar in order to account for surface form-oriented (or “output-centered”) prosodic morphology such as reduplication and mora affixation. In this model, the output of Morphological Structure serves as an input into PF, which I construe as Optimality Theoretic tableaux as in Correspondence Theory, thus accounting for surface-oriented phonological copying effects like base-dependence.
    • Referential Use and Polysemy

      Larson, Thomas G. (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1982)
      What is the relationship between the meaning of a word and its referential uses? Katz (1979) argues that a word's meaning determines its referential uses--but only in "the null context ". Putnam (1977), on the other hand, denies that meaning determines referential use. The present paper will focus on a third, and somewhat different, attempt to answer this question: namely, that of Nunberg (1978, 1979). Nunberg (1979, p. 177) espouses a relationship between meaning and referential use that results in the conclusion that it is possible for linguistics to give a proper account of the way language is used and understood "without having to say that speakers know what words mean." This conclusion is equivalent to the claim that there can be no coherent semantic theory because, as Nunberg puts it, "The semantics /pragmatics distinction cannot be validated even in principle; there is no way to determine which regularities in use are conventional, and which are not." (Nunberg (1979), p. 143) Nunberg calls this position "radical pragmatics" and it is clear that much of contemporary speech act theory would have to be drastically revised if Nunberg's claim about ward meaning were valid. Nunberg also claims that his arguments for this conclusion are based, in part, on arguments to be found in Wittgenstein. In Section 2 of this paper, we will sketch Nunberg's arguments. In Section 3, we will show that these arguments are not valid, and that, therefore, his conclusion regarding knowledge of word meaning is false. In Section 4, we will briefly discuss Wittgenstein on this and a related matter. We do so partly to clear up misunderstandings of Wittgenstein to be found in Nunberg, but more importantly to lay the foundation for our own outline of the relationship between meaning and referential use to be found in Section 5.
    • Relativization in Aramaic-Syriac

      Skaf, Roula; University of Aix en Provence (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2010)
      This paper is a preliminary approach to relativization in Syriac, which is a dialect of Aramaic, a Semitic language of the Afro-Asiatic family. This study will concentrate on the morpheme ‘d-’ as a “relative morpheme”. In the introduction I will quote other dialects of Aramaic, including oriental/Westerner and neo-Aramaic.
    • Remote workflow as educational opportunity: the experience of the Multimodal Corpus of Spoken Kazakh Language

      Troiani, Giorgia; Du Bois, John W.; Sarseke, Gulnar; Filchenko, Andrey; Salimzianov, Ilnar; Mikhailov, Nikolay; Moldashova, Fatima; Akanov, Akyl; Bizhanova, Moldir; Koishybayeva, Dameliya; et al. (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 2022)
      This paper presents the methodological challenges encountered in assembling the Multimodal Corpus of Spoken Kazakh Language under the restrictions imposed by the pandemic. We argue that enhancing the educational component of the project was a successful strategy to ensure its progress and that the approach presented here could be applied to other low-resource languages.
    • Resistance, Consciousness, and Filipina Hip Hop Identity: A Phonological Analysis

      Tseng, Serene; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2020)
      In this paper, I investigate the phonology and Hip Hop Language of two Filipina American rappers, Ruby Ibarra and Rocky Rivera, and how they express their understandings of identity and language and race, all in the context of Hip Hop and Asian America.
    • Resumptive pronouns are not optional: evidence from topic constructions of the possessor in Mandarin Chinese

      Wang, Jianyuan; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2005)
      In Mandarin Chinese topic constructions of the possessor, optional resumptive pronouns (RP) seem to occur. Meanwhile, the data also show a difference in the extractability of the possessor, i.e., the so-called subject-object asymmetry in extractability (Huang 1982). That is, when the possessor of a subject possessive phrase is topicalized/left-dislocated, a gap is grammatical, and an RP is also allowed; when the possessor of an object possessive phrase is topicalized, a gap is disallowed, and an RP saves the otherwise illicit extraction of the possessor. This paper first argues that the Chinese possessive phrase has a phrase structure that resembles the English counterpart, and adopts Abney’s (1987) DP-Hypothesis for the Chinese possessive phrase. Based on the Left Branch Condition (LBC; Ross 1986), the paper then proposes the Symmetrical Hypothesis, i.e., extraction of the possessor is equally illegal from either argument position. With respect to the occurrence of the seemingly optional RPs along with the extraction of the possessor from the subject possessive phrase, the paper posits two distinct possibilities for the extraction: extraction from the subject position directly, which is an argument position, or from the topic position instead, which is a derived position in the left periphery. LBC is at work with the former possibility, and therefore the subject-object asymmetry dissolves; LBC is violable in the latter possibility, given the specific nature of the left periphery (Rizzi 1997). The analysis for the latter possibility leads to the claim that the RP is in fact obligatory, and that the RP and the gap are in different derivations. Further data from Lu (1995) present a challenge to Huang’s asymmetry as well as the proposed Symmetrical Hypothesis. That is, when the possessor is 3rd person non-human, the extraction of the possessor from the object position renders the gap grammatical, but the RP ungrammatical. The analysis of the data finds that the animacy of the possessor plays an important role in eliciting the different grammaticality judgment here. As a result, the utterance of the 3rd person nonhuman RP is prohibited, hence the proposed No Pronunciation Rule. In this sense, Mandarin Chinese also has null RPs.
    • The Semantic Field of Spanish Cooking Verbs

      Dardis, Mary (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1983)
      The purpose of this paper is to present an analysis of the semantic field of cooking verbs in Spanish. First, I will show how the field is structured and explain how the verbs interact, then I will advance a hypothesis as to how these verbs cohere in the field, and finally I will propose that other fields might be looked at in a similar way. As many words in the field as possible were compiled, for which purpose a variety of texts was used. The division of the words into basic and non basic was based on the intuitions of ten informants. Five Spanish dictionaries--an ordinary monolingual one, a Spanish/ English bilingual one, an etymological one, one on usage, and one of synonyms and antonyms--were consulted, as well as seven cookbooks, five from various areas of Latin America and two from Spain. The informants were all native speakers of Spanish, and, except for two who also spoke English well, they had little or no proficiency in English. They were from as wide a variety of Latin countries as it was possible to find: one from Bolivia, one from Chile, two from Mexico, one from Panama, one from Peru, two from Puerto Rico, one from Spain, and one from Venezuela. Various methods were used to tap their intuitions: (1) numerical scaling of words on a list, (2) a card- sorting task, (3) a sentence-completion task, (4) a short translation, (5) a task in which subjects compared pairs of phrases in order to judge if they were instances of paraphrase or not, (6) making grammaticality judgments on a group of sentences, and (7) answering oral questions about cooking verbs. Appendix I is a copy of the form used in eliciting information from the speakers; for convenience, I have translated the instructions into English, though the data remain in Spanish. Originally, the entire form was in Spanish. Some of the oral questions asked varied across my questioning of the informants, since they were based on each individual informants' earlier replies; other oral questions had to do with what types of foods and utensils would collocate most frequently (or exclusively) with certain cooking verbs. Some of the techniques I used to question the informants were based on the procedures outlined by Metzger and Williams (1966), who advocate investigative techniques aimed at creating sets of conditions, such as frames and questions, which elicit and govern native responses and which can be replicated. Because they are so controlled, they are interpretable with a minimum of ambiguity. The combined use of texts and informants is in line with the principles of linguistic methodology outlined by Labov (1972, 1974), who concludes that data elicited from a variety of sources and methods has higher validity than the "intuitions of the theorist himself" (Labov 1972:106). Different methods "can be mutually confirming" (Labov, 1972:118). I believe that is right. In this paper, for example, had I used only my own intuitions as a native speaker, my conclusions would have been limited to my own dialect and would have excluded dialectal differences in meaning, transitivity, and word equivalence. Many facets of language operate in dialectal and cross -dialectal structures, and the researcher who uses only his/ her own dialect as evidence is, at best, overlooking a wealth of data and information, and, at worst, developing an incomplete theory. A word about word: in this paper, I will use it to mean either one single lexical item or a paraphrastic expression. As will be seen, several cooking words in Spanish are not single words, but, in a semantic field analysis, must be treated as if they were.
    • Semantic Fields and Semantic Change

      Lehrer, Adrienne (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1983)
      The theoretical activities and insights of the last two decades in linguistics have not spilled over into etymology and the study of semantic change, even though there has been much important work in both historical linguistics and in semantics. One reason for this neglect of semantic change is that the changes themselves seem to be sporadic. Every word has its own history. About the best we have come to hope for is a taxonomy, or classification schema, as found in Ullmann (1957), Stern (1931, 1968), or Williams (1975). These categories of semantic change summarize the tendencies or possibilities which may in fact have opposite effects, as narrowing vs. broading. Our current state of knowledge does not allow us to state interesting, falsifiable statements concerning the lexicon as a whole. In this paper we shall argue that some insights into the principles of semantic change can be found by looking, not at the whole lexicon, but at words which belong to a single semantic field. A semantic field is a set of lexemes which cover a certain conceptual domain and which bear certain specifiable relations to one another. An example of a simple semantic field would be the conceptual domain of cooking, which in English is divided up into the lexemes boil, bake, fry, roast, etc. A basic premise of semantic field theory is that to understand lexical meaning it is necessary to look at sets of semantically related words- -not simply at each word in isolation. By 'semantically related' we refer to relationships between lexical items such as synonymy, as in big and large; antonymy; such as big and small, hyponymy, as rose and flower or robin and bird; converseness, as buy and sell; incompatibility, such as cat, dog, cow, horse, pig, etc. A list of such lexical relationships and their meaning can be found in Lyons (1977) or Lehrer (1974). We will show that our understanding of semantic change can be enriched by looking at the histories of semantically related words.
    • Sequential Grounding and Consonant-Vowel Interaction

      Miyashita, Mizuki; The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
    • Situational Demonstratives in Blackfoot

      Schupbach, S. Scott (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2013)
      Previous analyses of Blackfoot’s demonstrative system by Uhlenbeck (1938), Taylor (1969), and Frantz (1971, 2009) share the same tendency to conflate the meanings of different functions of demonstratives into one overly broad meaning. I address this problem by analyzing only the situational uses of demonstratives in 25 stories from Uhlenbeck (1912) and additional data from Uhlenbeck (1938). My solution is built upon the framework outlined in Imai’s (2003) cross-linguistic study of spatial deixis and informed by the typological demonstrative studies of Dixon (2003) and Diessel (1999). I argue that Blackfoot’s demonstrative system encodes features of Imai’s four parameters: anchor, spatial demarcation, referent/region configuration and function.
    • Size Restrictors and Prosodic Structure in the Acquisition of Stress

      Curtin, Suzanne; University of Southern California (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      This paper examines the stages of development in the acquisition of Dutch main stress by children. In the early stages of prosodic development, there are strong restrictions on word size. These restrictions can be explained by the high ranking of alignment constraints (McCarthy & Prince 1993) over faithfulness (McCarthy & Prince 1995). Moreover, the truncation and early prominence patterns are due to adherence to Strict Layering (Selkirk 1984) which emerges from the constraint ranking. The subsequent violation of Strict Layering (Weak Layering, Ito & Mester 1992) at later stages arises from constraint re-ranking. This analysis provides a unified account of child language and adult grammar. The development of the child's grammar moves from unmarked to marked structure (Demuth 1997) building on the units of the Prosodic Hierarchy (Selkirk 1980). Working within the Optimality Framework (Prince & Smolensky 1993), using well-attested constraints, the relationships between stages of acquisition are explained through constraint re-ranking. The paper is organized as follows. First I provide a general overview of the stages of stress acquisition. I then discuss on each stage individually focussing first on the size restrictions found in the early stages of development before turning to stages 3 and 4.
    • Some Recent Trends in Syntactic Theory and the Japanese Language

      Kuroda, S.-Y.; University of California at San Diego (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1981)
    • Some remarks on markedness hierarchies: a reply to Aissen 1999 and 2003

      Carnie, Andrew; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2005)
      This short squib examines some problems with the Markedness Hierarchy approach of Aissen (1993, 2003) with respect to case and agreement marking systems. It argues that this approach, based on overt morphological exponence of marked forms both misses important Markedness relations that are not expressed morphologically, and fails to account for certain morphological patterns.
    • Sound Symbolism as a Purposive Function of Culturally Situated Speech: A look at the use of ideophones in Tsonga

      Cole, Deborah L.; The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
    • "Southern Accent" Features in Local News: Comparing Columbus, Georgia to Lexington, Kentucky

      Dekker, Ryan; Arizona State University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 2022)
      Two mid-size Southern local news affiliates were analyzed phonetically to show that “Southern accent” features were still prevalent among the 20 broadcasters sampled here. In comparison to the Kentucky speakers, the Georgia broadcasters led in both the socially salient Southern feature of /aɪ/ monophthongization, and the more subtle “pin-pen” merger.
    • Spanish as a Pronominal-Argument Language: The Spanish Interlanguage of Mexicano Speakers

      Hill, Jane H.; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1987)