• Apposition and X-Bar Rules

      Hollenbach, Barbara E. (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1983)
      The goal of this paper is to apply the insights of X -bar syntax, as developed by Jackendoff (1977), to apposition, a topic that has received only moderate attention within the framework of generative grammar, and one which Jackendoff essentially ignores. In Section 1, I try to capture the intuitive notion that we have of apposition by defining it as the repetition of full NP's, none of which has either structural or semantic priority, dominated by the same node in the tree. I propose a rule that generates such structures by doubling N'''. In Section 2, I discuss the difference between restrictive and nonrestrictive apposition, and I propose that restrictive apposition consists in the repetition of something smaller than the maximal projection of N. I therefore modify the rule given in Section 1 by replacing the triple -prime superscript on N with the variable n, which allows the rule to generate both kinds of apposition. In Section 3, I briefly compare the analysis of apposition presented in Sections land 2 with the approaches to apposition taken by Delorme and Dougherty (1972), Halitsky (1974), Pesetsky (1978), and Janda (1980). All of these investigators state or imply that apposition is a kind of head-modifier construction, a claim with which I disagree. One of Jackendoff's goals was to search for cross-category generalizations in syntax; in Section 4, therefore, I explore the possibility of generalizing my definition of apposition to categories outside of NP. The paper closes with a brief presentation of some unresolved problems for future research.
    • Arapaho Accent

      Fountain, Amy; Department of Linguistics, The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1995)
      Introduction: Arapaho is an Algonquian language spoken by a population of about 3500 in Wyoming and Oklahoma (Salzmann 1983). The accent system of Arapaho is quite complex and presents a challenge to any theory of stress/accent which attempts to account for these phenomena in a derivational manner (Salzmann 1965, Tsay 1989). In this essay it is argued that Arapaho accent involves both lexical and derivational aspects. In section 2, the phonetic characteristics of Arapaho accent are outlined. Section 3 briefly overviews Idsardi's (1992) theory of the computation of stress. In section 4, the Arapaho data are presented and the crucial generalizations are stated. Section 5 contains an analysis of these facts, utilizing Idcardi's theory. An alternative analysis is offered in section 6, and finally in section 7 the theoretical implications of the Arapaho facts are discussed.
    • ARCs and Their Prominence in Discourse

      Granger, Allison; Bezuidenhout, Anne; Almor, Amit; University of South Carolina (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 2022)
      The content conveyed by parenthetical clauses, such as appositive relative clauses (ARCs), is widely assumed to be backgrounded relative to the "at-issue" content of the main clauses within which they are embedded. We used standard tests for at-issueness to experimentally explore the conditions under which ARC contents are judged at-issue.
    • Aspect in Cherokee Nominals

      Stone, Megan Schildmier; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      In this paper I present evidence from Cherokee (Iroquoian, Southern Iroquoian) which refutes accounts of the distinction between process and result nominals based on the presence or absence of AspectP in the nominal’s functional structure. I argue that Cherokee has result nominals which contain aspect morphology, directly contradicting the proposal of Alexiadou (2001) that such nominals must lack an AspectP, and suggest that some other mechanism must be at play to account for the syntactic and semantic differences between result and process nominals.
    • Augmentation and Correspondence: A Reanalysis of Nancowry Reduplication

      Meek, B. A.; The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
    • AutoProp: a tool to automate the construction of psychological propositions

      Briner, Stephen W.; McCarthy, Philip M.; McNamara, Danielle S.; Department of Psychology, University of Memphis (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2007)
      A prototype of an automated tool to construct a propositional textbase, AutoProp, is described and qualitatively assessed. The tool is specifically designed to propositionalize texts for experimental studies that collect and analyze participants’ recall of text. The procedure for creating the propositionalized text is explained, followed by a descriptive analysis of the tool’s propositions as compared to 29 hand-coded propositions. In initial testing, all of AutoProp’s propositions differed from the hand-coded propositions at a superficial level; however, no differences deemed uncorrectable were encountered. Based on the success of these initial results, we conclude that AutoProp is a viable tool worthy of continued examination and development. Limitations of the tool, along with future developmental plans and requirements addressing these limitations are also discussed.
    • The Aux in the Guipuzkoan Dialect of Basque

      Martin-Callejo, Esmeralda (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1982)
      This paper addresses the problem of what has traditionally been labelled Aux in Basque. The Guipuzkoan dialect of Basques has, in statements, a particle sequence which occurs to the right of the verb, in sentence final position. Two examples are given in (la) and (lb): (1) a. Miren itzultzen d a; Mary:abs pass:by:asp PART-Aux; 'Mary passes by.' b. Mirenek sagarrak jan z - it - u - (e) n; Mary:erg apples:the:abs eat PART -PARI -Aux –PART; 'Mary ate the apples.' The first particle in (la) marks the person of the subject of the sentence, and the first and second particles in (ib) mark respectively person and number of the object of the sentence; the last particle marks tense. According to the traditional analysis, the 2 particle complexes not only include person and tense markers, but above all the root of 2 verbs labelled Aux by reference to the notional category of help - ing verb. In (la) and (lb), the vowel labelled Aux is respectively identified with the root of the verbs izan and ukan. The root of izan is considered to be equivalent to 'be' when used as helping verb of intransitive verbs, like in (la); on the other hand, the root of ukan corresponds to 'have' when used with transitive verbs, like in (lb). Further, these 2 verbs are characterized as the necessary tools for indicating temporal distinction -under the label conjugation- as in jan ditu 'he has eaten them', and jan zituen 'he ate them'. Moreover, the traditional analysis only recognizes these 2 auxiliary verbs, which, by the way, also function as main verbs. For instance, (2) Mikelek katuak d - it –u; Mike:erg cat:the:abs PART-PART-V; 'Mike has cats.' However, this analysis fails to explain particle sequences in which the verbal root necessary for identifying the helping verb never appears. For example, the particle complex dizkiot 'I (have) them for him' does not contain the verbal root of the auxiliary verb ukan 'have'. In. fact, ukan never appears within particle sequences in which a double objective relationship shows up. The purpose of this paper will be to give an account of the vowel variation in (la) and (ib) conjointly with an explication of those cases which indicate a double objective relationship. In doing so, we will simply label Aux by means of a variable2 X. To illustrate, notice the change in the particle complexes of (la) and (ib): (1) a. d –a (PART-X) b. z - it -u-(e)n (PART--PART-X-PART) We shall argue that this segment does not correspond to an auxiliary verb form. It will be identified as an element whose formal properties depend upon the subcategorization of the verb. Furthermore, this paper meets another goal: it will provide evidence for identifying these particle sequences as an instantiation of the cross-linguistic category AUX as defined in (3): (3) Given a set of language internal analyses, in terms of constituents, those constituents which may contain only a specified (i.e., fixed or small) set of elements, crucially containing elements marking tense and /or modality will be identified as non-distinct. (Steele et al., (1981)) Furthermore, the AUX category has the following set of properties: 1. AUX is a constituent, 2. which occurs in first, second, or final position, 3. AUX contains a specified, i.e., fixed and small, set of elements, 4. which occur in a fixed order within the AUX constituent, 5. the membership of which set must include elements marking tense and /or nodality, but 6. it may include, as well, elements marking subject marking, subject agreement, question, evidential, emphasis, aspect, object marking, object agreement, and negation. The first 2 properties will not be discussed. From the outset, we assume that AUX is a constituent which may occur in initial, second from the beginning and final positions. In conclusion, we shall claim that the whole set of particles is to be called AUX, and not some part of it. Section 2 is concerned with the internal organization of the particle sequence. It must be stressed that this analysis is carried out on strictly synchronic grounds. Maybe, Section 2 will seem overemphasized. However, it is a logical consequence of the analysis being presented in this paper. The set of particle sequences identified with AUX are too easily treated as mere idiosyncratic forms no longer analyzable into smaller units. In this section, particle sequences in intransitive and transitive sentences will be first analyzed; then the analysis of the unlabelled segment X will be dealt with. In Section 3, we will point out the problems that the traditional auxiliary verb hypothesis poses. Given these problems, we will see how our approach solves them. Finally, in Section 4, a recapitulation of the argumentation will be presented which will require a revision of 2 empirical generalizations made in the Encyclopedia of AUX: the status of person marking as a non -definitional property must be reevaluated, and the particle sequence can contain indirect object markers for person and number. From this discussion, we can forsee the reason why the AUX identification in Basque is important. It will allow to establish a significant corelation between sentential constituents marked for case, and the markers which are part of AUX.
    • Bad News about the Faire-Construction in French

      Manandise, Daniel; Martin-Callejo-Manandise, Esmeralda (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1983)
      This paper discusses a select few of the issues related to French causative constructions with faire. Our ambition here is not to propose a new treatment of the phenomenon, but to call attention to "unsifted data" that do not support the "demotion" hypothesis suggested by Carrie (1975, 1976, 1981). We will present evidence that Comrie's general analysis -- established mainly on the basis of canonical constructions such as sentences (1, 2) below-cannot stand unchanged, and needs further refinement, if it is to account adequately for all possible instances of the constructions in question. 2 (1) a. Valéry mange. - 'Valéry eats' b. Francois fait manger Valéry. - 'François makes Valéry eat' (2) a. Valéry mange un escargot. - 'Valéry eats a snail' b. François fait manger un escargot á Valéry. - 'François makes Valéry eat a snail' The (b)-sentences above are instances of the faire-construction, and the (a)-sentences are their non- causative counterparts. These latter may contain various types of predicates: one -place, two-place, and three-place predicates. The causative construction contains an entity faire, which we shall refer to as a "causative marker ", and an infinitival verbal form, which can be followed by postverbal complements. The introduction of a new element--i.e., the CAUSER (François, in (1) and (2)) --is the source of the "unorthodox" position occupied by the CAUSEE (Valéry, in (1) and (2)), which is "pushed" into a "secondary" position after the infinitive verb manger.
    • Bare-Consonant Reduplication in Yokuts: Minimal Reduplication by Compression

      Hendricks, Sean; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      In Y okuts, a Penutian language, there is a pattern of reduplication in which the reduplicant surfaces as a copy of the first consonant and the last consonant of the root. This type of reduplication falls under the category of bare-consonant reduplication (Sloan 1988, Hendricks 1999), which is characterized as being a single consonant C, or a string of two consonants CC. Such examples of reduplication are incompatible with analyses in which the shape of the reduplicant is defined by a prosodic template constraint. In this paper, I present data illustrating this pattern of reduplication in Y okuts and show how this data cannot be accounted for in Optimality Theory by a prosodic template. Also, I will provide an analysis without a template constraint, consistent with current accounts of reduplication (McCarthy & Prince 1994, 1997; Gafos 1997; Walker 1998; Nelson, to appear; Urbanczyk, to appear). This analysis is based on a compression model (Hendricks 1999), where the shape of the reduplicant is determined by constraints that determine morpheme ordering.
    • The Base-generation Approach to the Spray/Load Alternation in Japanese

      Miura, Kaori; Kyushu Sangyo University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      This article presents a syntactic account of the spray/load alternation in Japanese (e.g., nuru ‘smear’, tsumeru ‘pack’, etc.,). Fukui, Miyagawa and Tenny (1985) claim that the alternation verbs show the double object structure under a single VP node; namely both the Material (i.e., something that is painted) and the Location (i.e., somewhere that is painted) participants are co-sisters of the verb. When the Material participant is affected, it will be realized as the direct object of the verb. On the other hand, when the Location is (completely) affected, it will be realized as the direct object of the verb. I build an account on their intuition that the Material and the Location elements are thematically connected with the lexical verb within the binary branching hypothesis (Kayne 1994, among others); thus, they are arguments of VP. But this structure is valid only for the ni-variant where the Material is the single sister of VP. In the structure of the de-variant, the Location is a single sister of VP but the Material element is a PP, merging above VP. Under this view, the two syntactic alternants are available because they are derived from different numeration arrays. The present analysis minimizes the burden on the syntax by eliminating the affectedness condition for determining argument distribution of spray/load verbs in Japanese.
    • The behavior of velar nasal and syllabification in Korean

      Chung, Chin Wan; Lim, Byung-jin; Indiana University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      Across languages including Korean, a string C1V1C2V2C3 is generally syllabified as C1 V 1 .C2 V 2C3 but not as C1 V 1 C2.V 2C3. This is largely due to the fact that languages prefer a syllable with an onset, which is explained by Ito (1986) as a Universal Core Syllable Condition or by Prince and Smolenky (1993) as an optimality-theoretic constraint 'Onset'. In Korean, a C1V1C2V2C3 string is generally syllabified as C1V1.C2V2C3. However, when the velar nasal lr.JI is C2, it is not syllabified as the onset of the second syllable but rather as the coda of the preceding syllable. The main purpose of this paper is twofold. On the one hand, we investigate the behavior of the velar nasal with respect to syllabification in syllable coda position. On the other hand, we also investigate the variation among speakers regarding strategies to avoid an onsetless syllable over a morpheme boundary in which the second morpheme begins with the glide /y/ in Korean, as well as the variation between Seoul dialect (SD) and Kyungsang dialect (KD) with respect to ways to deal with the velar nasal in the syllable coda position. We provide an analysis within Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993), particularly the more enhanced version called Correspondence Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1995). This paper tries to shed more light on various cases of syllabification in Korean. The organization of this paper is as follows. In section 2, we present the data. In section 3, we propose optimality-theoretic constraints and their interaction and provide an analysis based on the constraints and their ranking. Finally, we sum up the paper in section 4.
    • Bibliography (Coyote Papers, Volume 16)

      University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2008
    • Bimoricity in Northern Greenlandic Eskimo

      Meador, D. (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1992)
      Multiple strong stresses on heavy syllables within words in Northern Greenlandic Eskimo indicate the absence of word trees in the metrical grid. That final light syllables also selectively receive stress in the absence of a word tree presents a challenge to available mechanisms which attempt to account for such alternations. These include destressing (Hammond 1989; Halle and Kenstowicz 1990) and extrametricality (Halle and Kenstowicz 1990). The problems presented by these mechanisms are avoided in an analysis based on bimoricity. The analysis proposed here presents a modification of the iambic template in Hayes' (1987) typology.
    • Blocking and causatives: unexpected competition across derivations

      Miyagawa, Shigeru; Massachusetts Institute of Technology (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2011)
      The Japanese causative verb exhibits the effects of blocking, whereby a causative verb (V-sase) is blocked from taking on lexical meaning if there is a competing lexical causative verb (Miyagawa (1980, 1984)). Given that the causative verb is most reasonably viewed as being formed in syntax, the blocking effect leads to the conclusion that the lexical causatives also are formed in syntax, contrary to the traditional view. A similar blocking effect is observed with English causatives formed with make, and this, together with what we can observe in Japanese, suggest that blocking is best viewed as one that arises in the process of deriving the causative verb (e.g., Embick and Marantz (2008)), and not as a result of a filter on the output of the generative component (e.g., Kiparsky (2005)).
    • Burmese Sandhi-Voicing: From the Perspective of Emergent Phonology

      Ni, Tianyi; The Ohio State University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 2022)
      This paper deals with sandhi-voicing in Modern Burmese from the perspective of Emergent Grammar (EG). Sandhi-voicing is only found in compounds, but not all of them. EG predicts that Burmese speakers tend to store compounds with sandhi-voicing as a combination of two morphemes, while those without sandhi-voicing as a whole.
    • Can Idioms Be Passivized?: Evidence from Online Processing

      Stone, Megan Schildmier; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2013)
      This paper presents the results of an experiment designed to access native speakers’ underlying grammatical knowledge concerning the passivizability of English Verb-Object (VO) idioms. Although it has long been noted that some VO idioms retain their idiomatic meaning in the passive while others do not (Katz & Postal 1964, et seq.), the source of this variation is unclear, and native speaker intuitions on a large number of idioms are not as clear cut as previous accounts might suggest. Taking as a starting point Folli and Harley’s (2007) hypothesis that there is a structural distinction between passivizable and nonpassivizable idioms, the current study tests one prediction of this hypothesis, namely that there should be a categorical distinction between the two types of idioms in the grammars of native speakers. The experimental results contradict this hypothesis, as evidenced by a normal distribution of response times to passive idioms. However, it is hypothesized that this online task is not appropriate to access the fine-tuned syntactico-semantic judgments underlying native speaker intuitions of idiom passivizability, due to the fact that the methodology employed here—a self-paced reading task—does not yield the expected results even for canonically passivizable and nonpassivizable idioms.
    • Case and Configurationality

      Jelinek, Eloise; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1983)
    • Case and Phi Features as Probes

      Ussery, Cherlon; Carleton College (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      This paper uses case and agreement patterns to argue for a reformulation of Agree (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001). Throughout syntactic literature, various proposals that account for the assignment of case and agreement have been made. Chomsky (1991) proposes that different projections are responsible for the two types of features. Case is assigned in Spec,TP, while agreement is established in Spec,AgrP. By contrast, Agree divorces feature checking from movement (Bobaljik and Wurmbrand 2005, Wurmbrand 2006). Case and agreement are assigned under c-command via the same Agree operation. A head, T, checks the case of a DP with a matching case feature and, in turn, that DP checks the agreement features on T. The prediction, therefore, is that case and agreement should necessarily pattern together: verbs should agree with DPs that are in a case relationship with T. I provide evidence not only that case and agreement features may pattern differently, but also that individual agreement features may pattern differently. As such, I argue that features on heads – not heads themselves – are probes. While I argue that case and phi features are not an indivisible bundle, I maintain the proposal that feature-checking need not force movement to a specifier, thus eliminating the need for independent agreement projections. Additionally, I illustrate probing is not restricted to c-command. I redefine Agree so as to allow a probe-goal relation to be established either under c-command or in a spec-head configuration.
    • A Categorial Treatment of Scrambling in Japanese

      Kurahone, Akira; University of Texas at Austin (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1981)
      In generative studies of Japanese, the term 'Scrambling' has been used to account for the intuitively obvious relationship bebween sentences like (la) and (lb). (1) a. John-ga (subj) Bill-o (obj) mi-ta. (see-past) b. Bill-o (obj) John-ga (subj) mi-ta. (see-past) 'John saw Bill.' The phenomenon has presented linguists with an interesting problem. especially in conjunction with treatments of other linguistic phenomena (e.g., Case - Marking, Reflexivization, etc.). This paper presents a categorial treatment of Scrambling in a simplex sentence. The basic framework has been taken from Montague's Universal Grammar (1970) and Proper Treatment of Quantification in Ordinary English (1973). The purpose of this paper is two -fold. It attempts to provide (i) a categorial syntax capable of directly generating scrambled variants of a canonical form, and (ii) a semantic account for the truth functional meaning equivalence among variants. While a direct generation approach is not new (e.g., Whitman (1979), Hale (1980), Farmer (1980), Chomsky (1980), Ostler (1980), etc.), there is yet no universally accepted analysis that offers a rigorous semantic account.
    • The Causative/Inchoative Alternation, and the Decomposition of Little v

      Key, Greg; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      Morphological evidence in causative/inchoative pairs in Turkish is analyzed to determine the derivational relationship between the transitive and intransitive members of the pairs. Three patterns are found: 1. The transitive member is derived from the intransitive; 2. The intransitive is derived from the transitive; 3. Both members are independently derived from a common base. For a complete explanation of the data, it is proposed that the verbalizing head little v decomposes into a verbalizer (little v proper) and a discrete ‘flavor’ morpheme (CAUSE, BECOME, etc.).