• Squamish Stress Clash

      Davis, Stuart (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1984)
    • Stress and Suffixation in Isbukun Bunun

      Ouyang, Iris Chuoying; University of Southern California (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      Isbukun, a major dialect of Bunun, is one of the Austronesian languages spoken in Taiwan. According to the Taiwan government statistics in 2009, Bunun had a population of 51,447, around half of which were registered as Isbukun. As Mandarin and Southern Min are the predominant languages, the Austronesian languages in Taiwan including Bunun are endangered. This study investigates word stress in Isbukun Bunun from the perspective of Optimality Theory. In particular, the stress patterns of monomorphemic and compound words, derivational and inflectional suffixed words, and words with clitics are explored. In Isbukun Bunun, a single quantity-sensitive trochee formed at the right edge of a word. Consequently, prefixation is generally irrelevant to footing, whereas suffixation closely interacts with stress placement. This paper presents two types of extrametricality along with quantitative adjustment that are found in suffixed words. Morphological extrametricality prevents inflectional suffixes and clitics from being footed and thereby prosodically distinguishes derivation and compounds from inflection and clitics. Positional extrametricality avoids forming a foot at the left edge of a root, which only emerges in derivational words, because inflectional words are required to fulfill morphological extrametricality first. In addition, since feet are constructed at the end of a word and derivational suffixes are allowed to be footed, quantitative changes take place in derivational suffixation: adjacent vowels with the same quality merge into one when two vowels come from different morphemes (i.e. the final segment of the stem and the initial segment of the suffix), and moras are deleted if otherwise the number of syllables in a word would increase. To account for the morphological extrametricality, a pair of output-output faithfulness constraints are used: a higher ranked OO-IDENT(stress)INF with an index referring to inflectional suffixes and clitics, and a lower ranked clone OO-IDENT(stress) without an index. The constraint ranking OO-IDENT(stress)INF >> ALL-FT-R >> OO-IDENT(stress) generates inflectional words with stress on the same syllable as in their stems, while derivational words follow general footing principles. As for the positional extrametricality, an anti-alignment constraint *ALIGN-L(Root, FT) is proposed, which concerns positions of feet only with respect to the root, rather than the stem that may be polymorphemic. The constraint ranking OO-IDENT(stress)INF, DEP-μ >> *ALIGN-L(Root, FT) >> *STRUC-σ confines the emergence of non-initiality in derivational words with roots not smaller than two moras.
    • Strong Resultatives as a Bounded PathPP Construction: PathPP Structure and Parametrized Path Head Movement

      Suzuki, Takeru; Tokyo Gakugei University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      This paper examines the Strong Resultative construction by comparing it with several path related constructions. It advances an analysis in which they all have a bounded path P. Its covert variant underlies some of the path related constructions and the Strong Resultative construction. We will see that the semantic property and the properties related with the phonetic emptiness of a bounded path P derive various characteristics of both of the constructions. I discuss implications and questions about the present analysis, one of which concerns the dual source of apparently the same meaning.
    • The Subject in Spanish and Some Related Topics

      Grigsby, Chiyo (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1984)
      The purpose of this study is to define a grammatical construct subject for Spanish sentences. Naturally, this task is only possible within a broader context: What is the sentence as a syntactic entity, and what is it composed of? The framework employed here is proposed by Steele (to appear) in the analysis of Luiseno. In the following pages, the readers will find that her framework also has validity in regard to Spanish, a language clearly distant from Luiseno. The organization of this paper is as follows. In Section 2, the traditional definitions of the subject will be reviewed, as well as the inadequacies and drawbacks inherent to these definitions. In Section 3, the Spanish sentence will be analyzed in some detail. In Section 4, based on this analysis of the sentence, an alternative definition of the subject will be proposed. In Section 5, the implications of this proposal will be examined and it will be shown that our analysis offers a better account of facts of the Spanish language than any previous analyses. In Section 6, a conclusion will be presented.
    • The Syntactic Function of the Yi-/Bi-Alternation in Jicarilla Apache

      Sandoval, Merton (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1984)
    • Syntactic Positions of Turkish Bare NPs The View from Aspect and Prosody

      Nagai, Miho; Öner Özçelik; CUNY Graduate Center; Indiana University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      The goal of this paper is to show that internal arguments of verbs in Turkish do not uniformly occur in the complement position of the verb (contra e.g. Perlmutter 1978, 1989). We examine syntactic positions of bare arguments in Turkish on the basis of aspectual (Aktionsart) properties of VPs (e.g. Vendler 1967) and prosodic structure. Looking at where low adverbs appear, we propose that there are (at least) two different positions where bare internal arguments can occur in syntax – bare internal arguments of Turkish achievements occur in SpecVP while those of accomplishments occur in the complement position of V. This proposal is also supported by prosodic evidence.
    • Syntax in performance: minimalist derivation in the late assignment of syntax theory

      O'Bryan, Erin L.; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2001)
      This paper presents an account of how Minimalist derivation (Chomsky 1995) can be embedded in a comprehension model, the Late Assignment of Syntax Theory (LAST) (Townsend & Bever, 2001). The issues addressed concern the interface between the first step of the model, in which heuristic strategies apply to the utterance, and the second step, Minimalist derivation. Two questions about the interface are addressed: 1) How are features in the numeration needed to begin a Minimalist derivation chosen? 2) What dictates which units Merge in the derivation? Chomsky (1995:226-227) claims that we do not need to ask either question. I review his reasons and argue that we can and should answer these questions in a workable comprehension model. In response to the first question, I demonstrate that heuristic strategies applied to the utterance determine which features enter the numeration. In response to the second question, I discuss how heuristic strategies combined with lexical information determine which items Merge.
    • The Syntax of Hindi-Urdu Sluicing

      Mishra, Anushree; The English and Foreign Languages University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 2022)
      Through the occurrence of the complementizer and the grammaticality of non-wh-sluicing, the current study seeks to establish that the source of the sluice in Hindi-Urdu is exceptional Focus movement. This is unlike English which employs wh-movement to Spec CP followed by TP elision.
    • The Syntax of MEAN

      Taguchi, Shigeki; Shinshu University/University of Connecticut (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      In this paper, I examine the hitherto unnoticed issue of what syntactic categories mean may take as complements, analyzing the syntactic structure of sentences like What do you mean that I’m a liar? from the minimalist perspective. On the basis of the intuition that what starts out as the object of mean, I consider the mechanism of Case-licensing of wh-arguments. Noticing that under the current minimalist framework, object shift to SpecvP and vP-adjunction result in exactly the same configuration with respect to chain length, I consider how Case-licensing of wh-arguments in the complement clause of mean circumvent improper movement characterized in terms of the traditional A/A-distinction. I also discuss the Doubly Filled COMP Filter and the Superiority Condition in relation to the syntax of mean, both of which are shown to be consistent with the proposed analysis.
    • The Syntax of the Person Case Constraint Drives Morphological Impoverishment of Clitics

      Walkow, Martin; University of Massachusetts at Amherst (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      Several varieties of Catalan show restrictions on the morphological expression of person and number in combinations of direct and indirect object clitics. When both direct and indirect objects are third person, there is only one morphological marker for third person (3-3-Effects). When both direct and indirect object are third person and plural, only one of them surfaces with plural marking. I call this latter restriction Unique Plural Exponence (UPE). Dialects differ wrt which argument, DO or IO, surfaces with features, but it is consistently the linearly leftmost one that surfaces with person/number features. This is consistent across dialects with different orders of direct and indirect objects, alternations of clitic order within one dialect and under historical change. I develop a syntactic account of these restrictions that relates them to the Person Case Constraint. The absence of morphological realization is attributed to the failure of person/number licensing in the syntax. An analysis is given for the restrictions on person and number in two dialects that differ in the order of direct and indirect objects and accordingly which argument surfaces without person/number features. The consistent lefthand position of the person marked clitic is derived from the syntactic structure.
    • The Syntax of Valuation in Auxiliary-participle Constructions

      Wurmbrand, Susi; University of Connecticut (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      This paper proposes that syntactic dependencies are established through Reverse Agree, a feature valuation dependency in which unvalued features are licensed (i.e., valued) by the closest c-commanding element with the appropriate valued feature. I illustrate that this view, in contrast to standard Agree or licensing under specifier-head agreement, provides a unified account of the morphological and syntactic properties of a series of Germanic parasitic participle constructions, which, so far, have been assumed to be unrelated.
    • Table of Contents and Introduction (Coyote Papers Volume 14, 2005)

      University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2005
    • Table of Contents, Introduction, and Abstracts (Coyote Papers Volume 16, 2008)

      University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2008
    • There is no lexicon!

      Hammond, Michael; The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
    • Tone, intonation, stress and duration in Navajo

      Kidder, Emily; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2008)
      The phenomena of tone, intonation, stress and duration interact on the phonetic level due to their shared use of the acoustic cues of pitch and segment length. The Navajo language, in which the existence of intonation and stress has been questioned by native speakers and scholars (McDonough, 2002), provides a unique system for studying this interaction, due to the presence of both phonemic tone and phonemic segment length. The variable nature of stress and intonation, as well as their status as linguistic universals has been debated among scholars of prosody (Connell and Ladd, 1990; Laniran, 1992; McDonough, 2002; Hayes, 1995). This paper discusses the interaction between these prosodic elements in Navajo, arguing that stress and intonation cannot be concretely identified, and positing a causal relationship between the presence of contrastive tone and length, the lack of stress and the lack of intonation.
    • Toward an OT Account of Yaqui Reduplication

      Haugen, Jason D.; Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
    • Towards a Universal Account of Possessor Raising

      Castillo, Juan Carlos; University of Maryland (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      This paper explores the nature of possessive relations in Universal Grammar, and their involvement in a syntactic process known as Possessor Raising or, as it is usually called in the Relational Grammar (RG) tradition, Possessor Ascension. Possessor Raising can be defined as the transformation that takes the D-structure possessor of a direct object in the sentence and assigns to it a surface grammatical relation (GR) to the verb of the sentence.
    • Tree maximization and the generalized extended projection principle

      Carnie, Andrew; Medeiros, David; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2005)
      In this paper we argue that a number of unexplained and stipulative properties of the grammar (such as the Generalized Extended Projection Principle, Binary Branching, Labeling) find a functional explanation, if we view them as correlates of a general desire for the grammar to maximize trees in such a way that they result in a Fibonacci-like sequence of maximal categories.
    • Trisyllabic Shortening and Two Affix Classes

      Maye, Jessica; The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
    • Two Umlaut-Heresies and their Claim to Orthodoxy

      Janda, Richard D. (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1983)