• A Cross-Cultural Look at Child-Stealing Witches

      Bird, Sonya; Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      One of the important figures in Lummi mythology is Ch'eni, the Giant Woman (Ts'uXaelech) who comes during the night and steals children. When I first read the story of Ch'eni, I was struck by the similarity of this story to the well-known German tale by the Grimm brothers, 'Hansel and Gretel'. In fact, the story of Ch'eni is at first glance remarkably similar to several other children's tales in various cultures across the world. The goal of this paper is to explore the more subtle similarities and differences between the Lummi story and other stories in different cultures, in terms of the content of the discourse and the structure of the discourse used in the texts. We shall see that the Lummi story is in fact quite unique in its combination of elements of discourse content and structure. This makes the apparent similarity between it and other stories from around the world even more striking. Indeed, despite the numerous differences in terms of how the basic theme of the story is developed in Lummi and other cultures, the theme comes across clearly in all of the stories. This leads the reader (or listener) to mistakenly conclude that not only the main theme, but all aspects of the different stories are the same. The structure of the paper is as follows: in section 2, I outline the Lummi story of Ch'eni. In section 3, I discuss the content of this story, comparing it to that of /q'ɬəmáiəs/ in Sooke, Mosquito in Tlingit, Ho'ok in Tohono O'odham, Baba Yaga in Russian, Hansel and Gretel in German, and Yamamba in Japanese.' Finally, in section 4, I compare the discourse structure of the Lummi story to that in the other stories mentioned above.
    • The Crosslinguistic Defaultness of BE

      Bjorkman, Bronwyn; Massachusetts Institute of Technology (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      This paper presents a formalization of view that auxiliary verbs such as be are in some sense default verbs. On the basis of languages in which auxiliaries arise only in certain combinations of inflectional categories (Latin, Kinande), it is argued that auxiliary be is not present in the syntax, but is instead a morphological strategy for realizing “stranded” inflectional features. A model of verbal inflection that implements this approach to auxiliaries is developed, providing a unified analysis of the auxiliary pattern found in languages of the Latin/Kinande type with the more familiar pattern of languages such as English.
    • Cues and Miscues: A Study of How Readers Assign Pronoun Reference

      Freeman, David; Fresno Pacific College (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1987)
      Theories for the reading process that have been advanced can be roughly grouped into two related types: word recognition theories and more general psycholinguistic theories. The first type claims that reading involves recognizing words. This may be either the ability to recognize sight words or the ability to determine letter -to -sound correspondences in order to translate visual symbols into phonological information that can be processed by the oral language processing system. The second type of theory is based on the idea that reading involves processing perceptual input directly during cycles of sampling, inferring, predicting, confirming or disconfirming, correcting, and integrating. The first type of theory gives primary importance to visual information or phonic recordings during reading. The second approach claims that what goes on "behind the eyes ", the reader's background knowledge and cognitive strategies for inferring and predicting, is fully as important as what is printed on the page. While it is not possible to observe directly what goes on during silent reading, evidence from oral reading provides support for the more general psycholinguistic view. Readers' observed responses to text often vary from the expected responses. That is, readers often omit, insert, reverse, or substitute words or phrases for the words or phrases in the text. Consider the following two actual cases of substitution. The words the reader substituted are written over the text. (1) Jack Jones always went (wants) around in overalls or a sun suit (set). (2) Mr Barnaby talked some more with my folks. "It's settled I then," he (I) said as he was leaving. In (1) the substitutions are perceptually (both visually and phonetically) similar to the expected responses. Advocates of the word recognition approach could account for the substitutions by claiming that the reader did not look carefully enough at the printed symbols or by saying that the reader confused similar symbols. That is, the reader made mistakes in recognizing or in sounding out these words. In contrast those theorists working within a psycholinguistic framework would claim that the reader made use of syntactic, semantic, grapho-phonic, and pragmatic knowledge during the reading. The first substitution is of a verb for a verb, and the second is a noun for a noun. Thus, the reader used syntactic knowledge. The use of syntactic cues is especially evident in the fact that "wants" is properly inflected to agree with the subject. In addition, the reader used semantic knowledge, knowledge that "sun" and "set" frequently cooccur. Finally, the reader used grapho-phonic knowledge (knowledge of either graphemes or phonemes or a combination of the two) because the expected and observed responses look and sound alike. However, the reader made some incorrect predictions and attended more at times to perceptual cues than to the meaning of the sentence. Both theories, then, can offer some explanation for (1). But what about (2)? What does a word recognition theory of reading have to say about the substitution of "I" for "he "? There is no graphemic or phonological similarity here. Furthermore, these are short, frequently occuring words that the reader (in this case a sixth-grader) should have been expected to have mastered. In short, the word recognition theory of reading has nothing to say about cases like (2). On the other hand, the psycholinguistic theory can offer an explanation. For one thing, the reader used syntactic knowledge at the point of substituting "I" for "he" since both the expected response and the observed response are pronouns in subject position marked for nominative case. The reader's syntactic knowledge enabled him to predict correctly that a nominative pronoun would occur. In addition, since both words here are personal pronouns, there is a semantic similarity between the expected and observed responses. Furthermore, the reader used pragmatic cues to infer pronoun reference. The pronoun occurs as a dialog carrier, and the reader predicted that the unnamed narrator in this first-person narration would speak these lines. The reader appears to have used the earlier possessive pronoun "my" as a cue for pronoun reference rather than the proper noun "Mr Barnaby ". Thus, the reader used syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic cues to make his prediction, and these non-perceptual cues overcame the grapho-phonic cues in the text. As a result, there was a variation between his observed response and the expected response. Since only the psycholinguistic theory of reading can account for the substitution in the second sentence, it is to be preferred to a word recognition theory of reading.
    • Deriving Ternarity

      Hammond, Michael; Department of Linguistics, The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1995)
      Introduction: Ternary stress patterns have posed a problem for a parametric metrical theory for some time. In this paper, it is argued that ternary systems can be derived in an explanatory fashion from binary systems. The basic idea is that ternary stress systems can be analyzed as binary stress systems if the theory of extrametricality is enriched. Two specific proposals regarding extrametricality are made. First, extrametricality must be tolerated not just at the edge of morphological and syntactic constituents, but also at the edge of phonological constituents. Second, extrametricality can be lost if adjacent feet are subminimal. The organization of this paper is as follows. First, the foot typology is briefly reviewed. Then the theory of extrametricality is presented. It is argued that regardless of the analysis of ternary systems, the theory of extrametricality must be enriched as outlined above. Four metrical systems are then considered: Cayuvava, Chugach, Winnebago, and Estonian. Each of these systems provides arguments for deriving ternarity as proposed here.
    • Desiderative - Causatives in Papago

      Zepeda, Ofelia (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1982)
      This paper is concerned with the analysis of what I will term "desiderative- causative" sentences in Papago. (1) is an example.1 (1) s- ñ- ko:sin 'at.; s ñ ko:s-im-c 'at; prefix-prefix- sleep- suffix -suffix Aux; 'I am sleepy.' (1) contains the causative suffix c and the desiderative suffix -im (which also requires the prefix s -), hence, the term desiderative- causative. Desiderative- causative sentences have characteristics which distinguish them both from the simple desiderative sentences, as in (2), and simple causatives, as in (3). (2) Mali:ya 'at s-ko:sim. Mary Aux s ko:s -im Mary Aux s: sleep:DESIDERATIVE 'Mary is sleepy' or more literally 'Mary desires to sleep.' (3) Mali:ya 'at ko:sc g 'ali.; Mary Aux ko:s -c g 'ali; Mary Aux sleep-CAUSATIVE determiner baby; 'Mary made the child go to sleep.' First, the subject possibilities in desiderative- causatives are exceedingly limited and distinct from those allowed in either simple desideratives or simple causatives. Second the semantic conditions which the verbs places on its associated arguments in desiderative- causative sentences must be distinguished from those in simple desideratives or simple causatives. An examination, therefore, of the simple desiderative and the simple causative on the one hand and the desiderative- causative on the other will suggest the idiosyncracies of the latter, However, I will argue that the properties of the desiderative- causative, in regard to the subject possibilities and the conditions on arguments, is a natural consequence of the combination of the requirements imposed in the simple desiderative and the simple causative.
    • Dialectal, Gender-Based, and Cross-Generational Variation in Negev Arabic Spatial Representations

      Cerqueglini, Letizia; Tel Aviv University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2020)
      Space is a fundamental domain of human thinking, universally experienced, yet culturally specific. I describe variations in linguistic and cognitive projective spatial representations (frames of reference) across dialects, genders, and age groups among the Bedouin Arabs of the Negev. Their tribes preserve a unique, culture-specific system of spatial representations.
    • Differentiating Disjunctive and Parenthetical Constructions

      Keener, Gary O. (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1983)
      The investigations reported in this paper are part of a larger attempt to delineate the precise role of pragmatics in linguistic communication, and to sufficiently enrich pragmatic theory (especially those portions of it which are not directly concerned with illocutionary-force determinations) so that we may better account for the contribution of pragmatics towards meaning. Of particular interest in this regard are wards or strings which cannot be interpreted compositionally, but which must be processed by the pragmatic component. It is hoped that a detailed analysis of such material and its precise interaction with surrounding compositional material will help us to uncover the exact nature of the relationship existing between the syntactic and pragmatic components of communication. In the discussion at hand, I will attempt to differentiate two classes of constructions, disjuncts and parentheticals, which are of interest in this study.
    • Diminutive Bare-Consonant Reduplication in Stl'atl'imcets

      Bird, Sonya; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      Stl'atl'imcets, otherwise known as Lillooet, is a Salish language spoken in British Columbia, Canada. Stl' atl' imcets exhibits 4 different patterns of reduplication, plus combinations 1• In this paper I explore one of these patterns: the diminutive bare-consonant reduplication. The goal is threefold: 1) propose and Optimality Theory (OT) account of the diminutive bare-consonant reduplication in Stl'atl'imcets, 2) discuss the role of prosodic templates in reduplication, and 3) explore the use of morphologically defined constraints. The organization of the paper is as follows: first I present the basic facts of reduplication and account for them using the interaction between two constraints, REALIZEMORPHEME and CONTIGUITY. I show that together, these constraints avoid having to posit prosodic templates associated with the reduplicant and the base. Not only is it unnecessary to refer to prosodic templates, but doing so in fact achieves the wrong results. Second, I discuss cases where reduplication requires vowel epenthesis and propose that CONTIGUITY is morphologically defined, such that schwa-epenthesis does not violate it. Third, I look at reduplication involving consonant clusters, and show that the reduplicant must align to a stressed mora, rather than a stressed syllable. Finally, I conclude by discussing the implications of the proposed account, with respect to the need for prosodic templates (or lack thereof) and for morphologically defined constraints.
    • Distributed morphology without secondary exponence: a local account of licensing thematic licensing of vocabulary items and strong verb alternations

      Siddiqi, Daniel; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2005)
      This paper provides a Distributed Morphology (DM) approach to the thematic licensing of verbs and extends that approach to the licensing of strong verb alternations such as eat/ate. These verbal behaviors have been captured in the DM literature by limiting the morphological environments that condition the insertion of Vocabulary Items (c.f. secondary exponence). In this paper, I show that the verbs in question gain the features of the environment they appear in by undergoing fusion with the relevant heads. In this way, DM does not need to rely upon conditioning the insertion of irregular verbs, but need only rely upon the Subset Principle to license the insertion of these verbs.
    • Does semantic activation spread across languages? An experimental study with Chinese-English bilinguals

      Wang, Xin; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2007)
      It has been well documented in the literature that translation equivalents have special status in bilinguals’ lexical system and can be treated as synonymy across languages. It has been claimed that translation equivalents are overlapped at the conceptual level across languages with different orthographic and phonological forms. Evidence to support this claim comes from cross-language priming studies in which subjects respond to L2 targets faster if targets are preceded by their translation equivalents (translation primes), compared to unrelated primes in lexical decision. Evidence observed in the masked priming paradigm is more convincing in the sense that subjects are not aware of the existence of primes but still produce priming effects from L1 to L2 in lexical decision. In order to have a complete understanding of the semantic organization of bilinguals’ lexical system, a question worthwhile to ask is whether crosslanguage word pairs that are semantically related but not translationequivalents bear any relation with each other at the conceptual level. Previous studies have shown even semantically related cross-language word pairs can generate priming from L1 to L2 when the primes are visible. However, visible primes usually involve strategic processing, which cannot be taken as evidence to support the argument that semantically related cross-language word pairs are conceptually-mediated. This study attempts to investigate whether an L1 prime could generate a more ‘general’ level of semantic priming to enhance the processing of the L2 target under the masked priming condition. This will test the hypothesis of whether semantically related cross-language word pairs are conceptually-mediated by using the lexical decision task. The results show strong priming from L1 to L2 for translation equivalents, but not for semantically-related word pairs. It is suggested that cross-language processing is specific and priming is unique to translation equivalents. In conclusion, it can be argued that semantically-related cross-language word pairs do not conceptually overlap and their mental representations could be very separate.
    • A Dual Function of tokoro in the CENP Construction

      Hosoi, Hironobu; McGill University (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      In this paper, I will discuss the semantics of the Japanese so-called "Counter-Equi NP" (henceforth, CENP) Construction, given in (I). (1) CENP Construction Keisatsu-wa [ doroboo-ga nige-ru ]-tokoro-o tsukamae-ta. police-TOP burglar-NOM escape-PRES-occasion-ACC arrest-PAST 'The police arrested a burglar on the occasion during which he/she was escaping.' The CENP construction is similar to the so-called "internally headed relative clause" (henceforth, IHRC) construction, given in (2), in that, in the CENP construction, an NP within the embedded tokoro-clause is interpreted as an argument of the matrix verb. (2) IHRC Construction Keisatsu-wa [ doroboo-ga nige-ru ]-no-o tsukamae-ta. police-TOP burglar-NOM escape- PRES-NO-ACC arrest-PAST 'The police arrested a burglar on the occasion during which he/she was escaping.' In both (1) and (2), the embedded subject doroboo 'burglar' is interpreted as an object of the matrix verb tsukamaer 'arrest'. In this paper, I argue that the noun tokoro semantically has a dual function. To be more specific, it is a generalized quantifier over an entity and at the same time an event when it combines with the tokoro-clause, adopting Srivastav's (1991) generalized quantifier approach to Hindi correlatives.
    • The Effect of Focus on Argument Structure: Depictives vs Resultatives

      Noh, Bokyung; The University of Texas at Austin (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2000)
      A variety of linguistic evidences have been to support the assumption that depictives and resultatives are different in their thematic structures with a main predicate, despite they appear identical on the surface. Both depictives and resultative contain a subject NP, a verb, an object NP, and an adjective following the object NP, as shown in (1)-(2). However, the thematic relation between the verbs and the adjectives are different. In depictives, the adjective characterizes the object NP in relation to the action or process described by the verb. Thus, (la) means: 'I ate the beef and at the time I ate it, it was raw.' The NP is characterized at the time of the action of the verb. In the resultatives, the final adjective characterizes the state of the object NP, a state which results from the action or process described by the verb. Thus, (2a) means: I caused the window to be clean by wiping it; the adjective describes the final state of the NP. (1) a. I ate the beef raw. b. I ate the food cold (depictives) (2) a. I wiped the window clean. b. I kicked the door open. (resultatives) Recently it has been proposed that the argument structure is reflected by sentence accentuation (Schmerling 1976, Gusenhoven 1983, Selkirk 1984). The main claim in the focus theory (e.g., accent percolation theory) is that in a focus constituent consisting of a head and an argument, the accent is realized on the argument, everything else being equal (Gussenhoven 1983, Selkirk 1984). Uhmann (1991) proposes that if focus is assigned to a constituent, all the phonological phrases of that constituent bear an accent. She also points out that a head and an argument form a single phonological phrase, whereas a head and an adjunct form a separate phonological phrase, Following Uhmann (1991), I assume that a pitch accent is the evidence for phonological units and manifests focused words or constituents. The accentual differences between head-argument and head-adjunct are clearly shown by Gussenhoven (1992) as follows: when a head-argument structure is in focus, as in (3), the accent falls on the argument, tent, while when a head-adjunct structure is in focus, as in (4), an accent is realized on the head smoked and the adjunct tent, which are in separate phonological phrases. Likewise, both gerookt 'smoked', and tent 'tent' are accented in Dutch. The phonological phrase is represented by parenthesis, the focus structure is by bracket and the accented words are capitalized. (3) a. John [ ( stayed in the TENT) l b. John [ ( in the TENT gebleven)] F (4) a. John [(SMOKED)(in the TENT)] F b. John [(heeft in the TENT) (gerookt)]F (Gussenhoven 1992: 94) Does the distinction between an argument and an adjunct exist? My goal in this paper is to investigate the issue of how the theory of focus applies to the different types of secondary constructions, namely depictive and resultative constructions. The experiments are conducted to examine the statuses of resultative and depictive constituents in terms of their focus marking.
    • English Relative Clause Extraction: A Syntactic and Semantic Approach

      Bourgeois, Thomas C.; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1989)
      Within this paper we analyze the formation of and extraction from a specific type of noun phrase, namely that consisting of the definite article followed by a common noun modified by a relative clause, where the common noun can be the subject or the object of the modifying clause. Representative examples of this construction appear in Figure 1: (1) ( i ) . Sal knows the man Sid likes. (ii) . Sal knows the man who bought the carrot. The framework we assume here makes use of a system of functional syntactical and (corresponding) semantical types assigned to each item in the string. These types act upon each other in functor-argument fashion according to a small set of combinatory rules for building syntactic and semantic structure, adopted here without proof but not without comment. To emphasize the direct correspondence of the syntax/semantics relationship, we describe combinatory rules in terms of how they apply on both levels. For maximum clarity, data appear in the form of triplets consisting of the phonological unit (the word), the syntactic category, and the semantic representation. We present an example below: (2) 'bought; (N P\S)/N P; λoλs.B(o),(s)
    • Escaping siloed phonology: Framing Irish lenition in Emergent Grammar

      McCullough, Kerry; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2020)
      Irish displays a complex mutation system in which regular phonological alternations are sensitive to arbitrary morphological information. The Emergent Grammar (EG) model is well-suited to address this phenomenon. This paper details how the model's technology accounts for the phonological regularity and morphological opacity of lenition in Irish.
    • Eurhythmy or Clash in the English Rhythm Rule

      Hammond, Michael (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1992)
      In this paper, I argue that the rhythm rule phenomenon in English is best treated in terms of a theory incorporating the notion "stress clash" (Hammond, 1988), rather than the notion "eurhythmy" (Hayes, 1984). There are three central arguments. First, it is argued that the eurhythmy theory is intrinsically undesirable as it requires a theory of universal grammar that countenances arbitrary counting. Second, it is shown that the eurhythmy theory makes incorrect predictions about the behavior of words with initial stressless syllables. Third, it is shown that the clash -based theory, as opposed to the eurhythmy theory, generalizes nicely to account for the Montana cowboy phenomenon. The organization of this paper is as follows. First, I review the traditional clash -based account of Liberman and Prince (1977). I go on to review the eurhythmy account of Hayes (1984). This includes three central claims /effects: the quadrisyllabic rule, the disyllabic rule, and the phrasal rule. It is next shown that each of these effects can be achieved with independently required principles and machinery and that there is no need for a specific theory of eurhythmy. The following notation will be used in this paper. An acute accent will denote the strongest stress in a domain; a circumflex marks an intermediate stress; a grave indicates less stress; and an unmarked vowel indicates even less or no stress.
    • Evaluating Prospectivity in a Neo-Reichenbachian Aspectual System

      Reed, Sylvia L.; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      This paper pursues an analysis of prospective aspect and its similarity to the perfect. I adopt the term ‘prospective’ for any aspect whose semantics orders RT prior to ET, and propose a set of diagnostics for prospectivity. Then I discuss properties of perfects which might be shared by this aspect and propose tests for these properties within the prospective. Finally, I show that "going to" and "about to" in English, and "a’ dol do" and "gu" in Scottish Gaelic, pass tests for prospectivity and perfect-hood with varying degrees of success.
    • Evidence from Modern Greek for Refinement of the OCP

      Meador, Diane; Department of Linguistics, The University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 1995)
    • Evidentiality in Athabaskan

      De Haan, Ferdinand; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2008)
      This paper is a typological survey of grammatical evidentials across the Athabaskan language family. It is shown that expressions of evidentiality differ widely from language to language. There are languages in which evidentiality is poorly grammaticalized (such as Chiricahua) to very full evidential systems (in Hupa and San Carlos Apache). Explanations for this difference must be sought in the area of contact features and general typological development, rather than trying to look for genetic explanations for the difference in evidential systems between languages. This is exemplified with two cases, (a) the morpheme /la/ ’inferential’, which may be traced back to a verb ’to be’, a well-known grammaticalization source; (b) the origin of visual evidentials, which derive from deictic sources.
    • An experiment in computational parsing of the Navajo verb

      Hulden, Mans; Bischoff, Shannon T.; University of Arizona (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2008)
      This paper presents preliminary research on a computational parser for core Navajo morphology where any inflected verb is automatically decomposed, together with the inflectional and derivational structure of the verb. The grammatical implementation largely follows Faltz (1998) and Young and Morgan (1987); Young et al. (1992). We also report some proposals for reducing the amount of allomorphy and phonological rules in the description of Navajo verbal morphology, and potential uses of such a parser.
    • External Argument Focus and the Syntax of Reflexivity

      Ahn, Byron; University of California, Los Angeles (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona), 2012)
      It is unexpected under previous accounts that, in a subclass of sentences that contain reflexive anaphors, focus on a reflexive anaphor can be felicitously interpreted as a response to a subject-question (e.g. "Johnny burned HIMSELF" as a response to "Who burned Johnny?"). This focus phenomenon can only be accounted for under existing theories of focus and syntax-prosody mapping if the syntactic representation of reflexivity is amended, as is pursued in this paper. A revised model of reflexivity such as the one presented in this paper is not only able to account for this focus data, but is generally more empirically robust: able to better account for the distribution of phrasal stress in clauses with reflexive anaphors, as well as the realization of reflexivity of other languages.