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dc.contributor.authorDe Haan, Ferdinand
dc.date.accessioned2011-03-30T19:27:11Z
dc.date.available2011-03-30T19:27:11Z
dc.date.issued2008
dc.identifier.issn0894-4539
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10150/126387
dc.descriptionCoyote Papers, Vol. 16 features a combined bibliography for all articles in the issue. This bibliography is available at https://repository.arizona.edu/handle/10150/125965.en_US
dc.description.abstractThis paper is a typological survey of grammatical evidentials across the Athabaskan language family. It is shown that expressions of evidentiality differ widely from language to language. There are languages in which evidentiality is poorly grammaticalized (such as Chiricahua) to very full evidential systems (in Hupa and San Carlos Apache). Explanations for this difference must be sought in the area of contact features and general typological development, rather than trying to look for genetic explanations for the difference in evidential systems between languages. This is exemplified with two cases, (a) the morpheme /la/ ’inferential’, which may be traced back to a verb ’to be’, a well-known grammaticalization source; (b) the origin of visual evidentials, which derive from deictic sources.
dc.language.isoen_USen_US
dc.publisherUniversity of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona)en_US
dc.relation.urlhttps://coyotepapers.sbs.arizona.edu/en_US
dc.rightsCopyright © is held by the author(s).en_US
dc.rights.urihttp://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/en_US
dc.titleEvidentiality in Athabaskanen_US
dc.typetexten_US
dc.typeArticleen_US
dc.contributor.departmentUniversity of Arizonaen_US
dc.identifier.journalCoyote Papersen_US
dc.description.collectioninformationThe Coyote Papers are made available by the Arizona Linguistics Circle at the University of Arizona and the University of Arizona Libraries. Contact coyotepapers@email.arizona.edu with questions about these materials.en_US
dc.source.journaltitleCoyote Papers
refterms.dateFOA2018-08-22T01:11:24Z
html.description.abstractThis paper is a typological survey of grammatical evidentials across the Athabaskan language family. It is shown that expressions of evidentiality differ widely from language to language. There are languages in which evidentiality is poorly grammaticalized (such as Chiricahua) to very full evidential systems (in Hupa and San Carlos Apache). Explanations for this difference must be sought in the area of contact features and general typological development, rather than trying to look for genetic explanations for the difference in evidential systems between languages. This is exemplified with two cases, (a) the morpheme /la/ ’inferential’, which may be traced back to a verb ’to be’, a well-known grammaticalization source; (b) the origin of visual evidentials, which derive from deictic sources.


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