Quantity (in)sensitivity and underlying glottal-stop deletion in Capanahua

Abstract

This article accounts for two superficially contradicting phenomena found in Capanahua. In this language, underlying glottal stops are deleted in the coda of even syllables. The account of the distribution of glottal-stop deletion depends on quantity-insensitive footing. Glottal stops cannot occur at the right edge of metrical feet. However, contrary to expectations, Capanahua has a quantity-sensitive stress. Closed syllables attract stress. The account presented solves the puzzle in a straightforward and unified way. While both phenomena rely on disyllabic feet, the quantity of closed syllables contextually varies within disyllabic feet: closed syllables surface as heavy if they are stressed and if they do not form part of an (HL) foot; otherwise, they surface as light.