Quantity (in)sensitivity and underlying glottal-stop deletion in Capanahua
| dc.contributor.author | Elias-Ulloa, Jose | |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2011-03-31T16:48:33Z | |
| dc.date.available | 2011-03-31T16:48:33Z | |
| dc.date.issued | 2004 | |
| dc.identifier.issn | 0894-4539 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/10150/126614 | |
| dc.description | Published as Coyote Papers: Working Papers in Linguistics, Special Volume Dedicated to the Indigenous Languages of the Americas | en_US |
| dc.description.abstract | This article accounts for two superficially contradicting phenomena found in Capanahua. In this language, underlying glottal stops are deleted in the coda of even syllables. The account of the distribution of glottal-stop deletion depends on quantity-insensitive footing. Glottal stops cannot occur at the right edge of metrical feet. However, contrary to expectations, Capanahua has a quantity-sensitive stress. Closed syllables attract stress. The account presented solves the puzzle in a straightforward and unified way. While both phenomena rely on disyllabic feet, the quantity of closed syllables contextually varies within disyllabic feet: closed syllables surface as heavy if they are stressed and if they do not form part of an (HL) foot; otherwise, they surface as light. | |
| dc.language.iso | en_US | en_US |
| dc.publisher | University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona) | en_US |
| dc.relation.url | https://coyotepapers.sbs.arizona.edu/ | en_US |
| dc.rights | Copyright © is held by the author(s). | en_US |
| dc.rights.uri | http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ | en_US |
| dc.title | Quantity (in)sensitivity and underlying glottal-stop deletion in Capanahua | en_US |
| dc.type | text | en_US |
| dc.type | Article | en_US |
| dc.contributor.department | Rutgers University | en_US |
| dc.identifier.journal | Coyote Papers | en_US |
| dc.description.collectioninformation | The Coyote Papers are made available by the Arizona Linguistics Circle at the University of Arizona and the University of Arizona Libraries. Contact coyotepapers@email.arizona.edu with questions about these materials. | en_US |
| dc.source.journaltitle | Coyote Papers | |
| refterms.dateFOA | 2018-06-12T22:16:28Z | |
| html.description.abstract | This article accounts for two superficially contradicting phenomena found in Capanahua. In this language, underlying glottal stops are deleted in the coda of even syllables. The account of the distribution of glottal-stop deletion depends on quantity-insensitive footing. Glottal stops cannot occur at the right edge of metrical feet. However, contrary to expectations, Capanahua has a quantity-sensitive stress. Closed syllables attract stress. The account presented solves the puzzle in a straightforward and unified way. While both phenomena rely on disyllabic feet, the quantity of closed syllables contextually varies within disyllabic feet: closed syllables surface as heavy if they are stressed and if they do not form part of an (HL) foot; otherwise, they surface as light. |
