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dc.contributor.advisorKitagawa, Chisatoen_US
dc.contributor.authorMotohashi, Tatsushi.
dc.creatorMotohashi, Tatsushi.en_US
dc.date.accessioned2011-10-31T17:20:09Z
dc.date.available2011-10-31T17:20:09Z
dc.date.issued1989en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10150/184844
dc.description.abstractThis thesis investigates the consequences of historical changes of Japanese case particles, 'accusative' o and 'dative' ni. The change of o is characterized as becoming a structural Case-marker from the inherent Case-marker. The consequences of this change are manifested in; (a) the ni filling the gap of linking to the FROM-function vacated by the particle o, becoming the structural accusative Case-marker; (b) the development of the o causative construction; (c) the inability of topicalizing the o-marked object; (d) the disappearance of the sequence of NP-o-to in the coordinate structure; (e) the development of the double o constraint. The constancy of ni throughout the history of the Japanese language is characterized by its lexical content; the Locative ni has not changed. The development of the ni causative is, then, attributed to the development of the nominative marking triggered by the accusative marking, that is, from the ergative case to the nominative case. This ergative hypothesis of Old Japanese is supported by the distribution of the o-marked and non-overtly marked objects which is determined by the transitivity features proposed by Hopper and Thompson (1980).
dc.language.isoenen_US
dc.publisherThe University of Arizona.en_US
dc.rightsCopyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author.en_US
dc.subjectJapanese language -- Case.en_US
dc.subjectJapanese language -- History.en_US
dc.titleCase theory and the history of the Japanese language.en_US
dc.typetexten_US
dc.typeDissertation-Reproduction (electronic)en_US
dc.identifier.oclc703255558en_US
thesis.degree.grantorUniversity of Arizonaen_US
thesis.degree.leveldoctoralen_US
dc.contributor.committeememberLangendoen, Terenceen_US
dc.contributor.committeememberJelinek, Eloiseen_US
dc.identifier.proquest9005726en_US
thesis.degree.disciplineLinguisticsen_US
thesis.degree.disciplineGraduate Collegeen_US
thesis.degree.namePh.D.en_US
refterms.dateFOA2018-06-25T02:45:02Z
html.description.abstractThis thesis investigates the consequences of historical changes of Japanese case particles, 'accusative' o and 'dative' ni. The change of o is characterized as becoming a structural Case-marker from the inherent Case-marker. The consequences of this change are manifested in; (a) the ni filling the gap of linking to the FROM-function vacated by the particle o, becoming the structural accusative Case-marker; (b) the development of the o causative construction; (c) the inability of topicalizing the o-marked object; (d) the disappearance of the sequence of NP-o-to in the coordinate structure; (e) the development of the double o constraint. The constancy of ni throughout the history of the Japanese language is characterized by its lexical content; the Locative ni has not changed. The development of the ni causative is, then, attributed to the development of the nominative marking triggered by the accusative marking, that is, from the ergative case to the nominative case. This ergative hypothesis of Old Japanese is supported by the distribution of the o-marked and non-overtly marked objects which is determined by the transitivity features proposed by Hopper and Thompson (1980).


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