Show simple item record

dc.contributor.advisorDemers, Richard A.en_US
dc.contributor.authorHOLLENBACH, BARBARA ELAINE.
dc.creatorHOLLENBACH, BARBARA ELAINE.en_US
dc.date.accessioned2011-10-31T18:51:05Z
dc.date.available2011-10-31T18:51:05Z
dc.date.issued1984en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10150/187773
dc.description.abstractIn the first part of this study, autosegmental phonology is applied to Copala Trique, an Otomanguean language spoken in Oaxaca, Mexico. This language has five contrastive tone levels, for which three features are proposed: {HIGH}, {CENTRAL}, and {EXTREME}. Tone occurs distinctively, however, only on the word-final syllable and, in some words, also on a nonfinal syllable that has a lexically linked tone pattern. The predictable tone on the remaining syllables is supplied by an epenthesis rule. The postvocalic laryngeals and h interact closely with tone, and they are analyzed as part of the tonal tier, rather than as part of the segmental tier. A third postvocalic laryngeal, , is also posited; this is an abstract segment that imposes ballistic features on the vowel with which it is associated. In the second part of the study, the above phonological analysis is applied to the description of three morphological phenomena that involve tone and laryngeals. The first is a set of three tone-laryngeal replacements. These replacements constitute an intermediate level of abstraction between the morphosyntactic category that they realize, such as potential aspect or denominal adjective, and individual morphological rules. The second phenomenon is tone sandhi, in which the tone of a word is raised in a complex, but completely predictable, way immediately preceding certain pronouns. The third phenomenon is clitic pronouns, which pattern syntactically as heads of noun phrases, but are invariably realized as a change in the tone-laryngeal representation of the preceding word. Because both sandhi rules and clitic pronoun attachment apply postlexically, yet require access to morphological information, these two phenomena constitute significant counterexamples to the current theoretical claim that all rules that require morphological information apply in the lexicon. A brief concluding chapter evaluates the analysis, summarizes the theoretical implications of the findings, and suggests areas for future research.
dc.language.isoenen_US
dc.publisherThe University of Arizona.en_US
dc.rightsCopyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author.en_US
dc.subjectOtomanguean languages -- Phonology.en_US
dc.subjectOtomanguean languages -- Morphology.en_US
dc.titleTHE PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY OF TONE AND LARYNGEALS IN COPALA TRIQUE (AUTOSEGMENTAL, CLITICS, OTOMANGUEAN; MEXICO).en_US
dc.typetexten_US
dc.typeDissertation-Reproduction (electronic)en_US
dc.identifier.oclc691357464en_US
thesis.degree.grantorUniversity of Arizonaen_US
thesis.degree.leveldoctoralen_US
dc.contributor.committeememberFarmer, Ann K.en_US
dc.contributor.committeememberOehrle, Richard T.en_US
dc.contributor.committeememberSteele, Susan M.en_US
dc.contributor.committeememberWheeler, Deirdre W.en_US
dc.identifier.proquest8424927en_US
thesis.degree.disciplineLinguisticsen_US
thesis.degree.disciplineGraduate Collegeen_US
thesis.degree.namePh.D.en_US
refterms.dateFOA2018-06-30T18:19:39Z
html.description.abstractIn the first part of this study, autosegmental phonology is applied to Copala Trique, an Otomanguean language spoken in Oaxaca, Mexico. This language has five contrastive tone levels, for which three features are proposed: {HIGH}, {CENTRAL}, and {EXTREME}. Tone occurs distinctively, however, only on the word-final syllable and, in some words, also on a nonfinal syllable that has a lexically linked tone pattern. The predictable tone on the remaining syllables is supplied by an epenthesis rule. The postvocalic laryngeals and h interact closely with tone, and they are analyzed as part of the tonal tier, rather than as part of the segmental tier. A third postvocalic laryngeal, , is also posited; this is an abstract segment that imposes ballistic features on the vowel with which it is associated. In the second part of the study, the above phonological analysis is applied to the description of three morphological phenomena that involve tone and laryngeals. The first is a set of three tone-laryngeal replacements. These replacements constitute an intermediate level of abstraction between the morphosyntactic category that they realize, such as potential aspect or denominal adjective, and individual morphological rules. The second phenomenon is tone sandhi, in which the tone of a word is raised in a complex, but completely predictable, way immediately preceding certain pronouns. The third phenomenon is clitic pronouns, which pattern syntactically as heads of noun phrases, but are invariably realized as a change in the tone-laryngeal representation of the preceding word. Because both sandhi rules and clitic pronoun attachment apply postlexically, yet require access to morphological information, these two phenomena constitute significant counterexamples to the current theoretical claim that all rules that require morphological information apply in the lexicon. A brief concluding chapter evaluates the analysis, summarizes the theoretical implications of the findings, and suggests areas for future research.


Files in this item

Thumbnail
Name:
azu_td_8424927_sip1_m.pdf
Size:
8.908Mb
Format:
PDF
Description:
azu_td_8424927_sip1_m.pdf

This item appears in the following Collection(s)

Show simple item record