• IP-Structure and pro in Polish

      Ciszewska-Wilkens, Anna (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 1992)
      In this paper I am going to argue that the morphosyntactic phenomenon of Inflected COMP in Polish provides evidence for separate Agr and Tense projections, and that the IP structure developed here licenses pro in Polish. An example of the inflected COMP sentence is the following: (1) a. Dopiero-śmy wsta - ły.; just-1PL get up-PAST/F/PL; 'We just got up.' Although usually the person marker is affixed to the main Verb, it is quite common for speakers to cliticize the person marker onto the first "word" of the sentence while the main Verb is inflected for past tense. This kind of a regular behaviour of the person marker against the past tense marker requires their separation in the tree. Another issue I am going to discuss here is the ordering of the Tense and Agr projections in the tree. I am going to take the position of Belletti (1988) and Chomsky (1988), and argue that the Agr projection is higher than Tense. This is supported by the morphological evidence of the ordering of the Tense and Agr markers on the Verb. (1) b. Dopiero wsta-ły-śmy.; just get up-PAST/F/PL-1PL; 'We just got up.' The assumption that the main Verb moves from V⁰ through Tense up to Agr and that this movement is reflected in the order of the markers on the Verb is consistent with the Mirror Principle which requires morphological derivations to directly reflect syntactic derivations (Baker (1985)). In order to account for the second position phenomena of the person marker with categories other than Verb I will propose that the Agr features adjoin to the C⁰ node and the person inflection on the first position in the sentence is a reflection of movement to COMP rather than movement to Agr. I am also going to use the adjunction of Agr to C⁰ as a quite natural explanation for pro in Polish. I will argue that after adjunction Agr is governing pro from Left to Right and since Agr is uniform (in the sense of Jaeggli and Safir (1989)) it can license pro in Polish.
    • LF Subjacency Condition in Japanese

      Yoshimura, Kyoko (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 1992)
      Japanese is one of the languages which do not have syntactic wh-movement, i.e., all wh-movement takes place in the LF component. The issue of whether or not the Subjacency Condition holds in such a language has been somewhat controversial in the literature: some linguists claim that there are no Subjacency effects in LF in Japanese (Huang (1982), Saito (1985), Lasnik and Saito (1984, 1989)); while others argue that Japanese actually shows LF Subjacency effects (Fukui (1988), Hasegawa (1985), Nishigauchi (1986, 1990), Pesetsky (1987)). In this paper, we will look at their claims and certain problems for their analyses, and argue that we need something like Subjacency effects to explain data which show incremental grammatical judgements (Section 1). Also, the status of the Subjacency Condition itself seems far from being settled. It has been widely assumed to be a condition on movement (Chomsky (1973, 1977, 1981), Huang (1982), Pesetsky (1982), Lasnik & Saito (1984, 1989), among others); others have argued it is a condition on representations (Freidin (1978), Freidin & Lasnik (1981), McDaniel (1989), Browning (1991)); and the question is left open in Chomsky (1986). We will address this issue briefly and give some data which might support the claim that the Subjacency Condition is a condition on representations at LF as well as at S-Structure (Section 2).
    • Preface (Coyote Papers 8, 1992)

      University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 1992
    • The Prosodic Hierarchy as a Form of Meter

      Golston, Chris (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 1992)
      This paper has two goals. First, it seeks to establish that Middle English Alliterative Verse (MEAV) is a meter based on hierarchically organized prosodic constituents above the foot. In particular, I claim that MEAV is based straightforwardly on the Prosodic Hierarchy, as conceived of in work by Selkirk (1978, 1980, 1984, 1986), Hayes (1989) and others. Second, the account of MEAV advanced here requires reference to the notion of branching in prosodic structure above the foot, suggesting that branching may be a relevant property of prosodic constituent above the level of the syllable and foot2. Discussion proceeds as follows. In section 2 I outline the facts about Middle English Alliterative verse in general and in the poem Cleanness in particular, following recent work by Cable (1991). Section 3 presents a brief overview of work on the Prosodic Hierarchy and Section 4 proposes an analysis of MEAV in terms of it. In section 5 I discuss the relation of this proposal to Cable's work and extend the analysis to metrical structure above the line in Cleanness. A brief conclusion follows in section 6.
    • Prosodic Templates in Tigre Verb Morphology: A Phonologically Informed Analysis of Causative

      Conway, Laura (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 1992)
      Mansac Tigre, a semitic language of Ethiopia, has a rich templatic system in its verb morphology. Templates interact with underlying roots of two, three and four consonants (radicals) to give a variety of surface forms. In the imperfective aspect, two interesting behaviors are to be found. First, in this aspect, but not in the perfective aspect, inflectional morphology is templatic in nature, so that the type of inflection (e.g. 3rd person, feminine, singular) determines the template instantiated. Second, I will argue, in the imperfective aspect, the appearance of causative is characterized by an operation applied after the template to be instantiated is selected and filled. Thus, it seems, data from Tigre provide an instance of a morphological process operating on the argument structure of a lexical item ("derivation" for those who subscribe to a distinction) which applies after inflectional processes. In particular, I contend that this behavior runs counter to a typology of morphological operations recently proposed in Steele (in prep). Steele's model, Articulated Morphology (AM), makes status differentiations within lexical objects (signs) and explicit claims about the types of operations which can operate on the various levels of lexical object. I claim that the Tigre data provide evidence that this typology is too restrictive and must be extended to accommodate behaviors I cite. The organization of this note is as follows: First I will give background of both the basic templatic system of Tigre and the formal models I will employ. Section 2 gives the Tigre background while section 3 introduces Articulated Morphology and Prosodic Morphology (McCarthy & Prince(1986, 1990)) with a focus to how ideas from these two models are utilized. Section 4 presents the data to be considered and formulates the generalizations which the analysis is to capture. In section 5, I give an analysis of the cited data. Section 6 is a discussion of the implications this analysis has for the Articulated Morphology model. Section 7 contains some concluding remarks.
    • Reciprocity in Spanish: Two Puzzles of Scope

      Gerfen, Chip (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 1992)
      Heim, Lasnik, and May (1991a, henceforth HLMa) note an interesting contrast in the behavior of the following sentences in English (their 78a -b): 1.a) They look like each other. b) They look alike. As HLMa point out, when embedded, the two sentences have distinct properties (their 79a -b): 2.a) John and Mary think they look like each other. b) John and Mary think they look alike. Sentence (2a) is ambiguous between broad and narrow scope interpretations. Thus, (2a) can either mean 'John thinks he looks like Mary, and Mary thinks that she looks like John' (the broad reading) or 'John and Mary think they (John and Mary) look like each other' (the narrow reading). In contrast, (2b) can only be construed with narrow scope. For HLMa the ambiguity of (2a) receives an explanation in terms of the morphological complexity of the reciprocal expression each other. Specifically, the quantificational distribution element each is adjoined to an antecedent, which is then subject to QR via the rule move-α at logical form (see May 1977, 1985). Put simply, this allows for different scope interpretations, depending on how far up the phrase marker each is moved. In contrast, the morphologically simplex alike contains no detachable distribution element, and, as a result, only the narrow scope reading is available. Of interest here is the fact that HLMa base their argument on the distinction between reciprocal meaning that is incorporated within a morphologically simplex versus a morphologically complex item. In support of this claim, they offer the following minimal pair of sentences from Italian (attributed to Luigi Rizzi): 3.a) I due pensano [di essersi battuti] (contradictory); the two thought be-each other-clitic beaten b) I due pensano [di avere prevalso l'uno sull'altro] (ambiguous); the two thought have prevailed the one over the other HLMa note that when taken by themselves, the embedded clauses in (3a -b) are both contradictory, but that only (3b) receives a non -contradictory reading in the embedded construction. In a manner analogous to their treatment of the English data in (1 -2), HLMa claim that this distinction is attributable to the fact that the clitic in (3a) forms a morphological unit with the verb to which it is attached and, thus, cannot be moved at LF. In contrast, they follow Belletti (1982) in arguing that the full form of the Italian reciprocal l'uno...l'altro includes a distributor l'uno which can be detached and moved at LF. Though no specific analysis is provided, it is assumed that the broad scope, and hence non -contradictory, construal of (3b) is attributable to the adjunction of the distributor l'uno to the antecedent I due. With these facts in mind, I consider the question of scope in Spanish reciprocal constructions. In sections 2 and 3, I present a surprising scope asymmetry between non -full (clitic) and full reciprocal constructions, which indicates that unlike English, the full reciprocal el uno al otro in Spanish does not allow for broad scope interpretations when embedded. In section 4, I argue that el uno al otro in Spanish is best analyzed as an adjunct, rather than as the subcategorized argument of the verb. And in section 5, I explore HLM's (1991b) "each-binding" variant of the movement analysis proposed in HLMa, showing that the asymmetry between full and non -full reciprocals can be accounted for in terms of the obligatory local A'-binding of the variable el uno of the adjoined full form. In section 6, I expand the data, providing evidence of another scope asymmetry. Specifically, I show that in contrast to the el uno al otro adjunct of the clitic doubled construction, VP adjuncts such as prepositional phrases with a reciprocal object do allow broad construals from embedded clauses. I argue that this asymmetry motivates the need to formally distinguish between at least two types of adjuncts, appositional adjuncts such as the doubled el uno al otro construction, and standard adjuncts such as PPs. I suggest that a profitable way of making this distinction can be found in restricting the assignment of referential indexes in the Relativized Minimality framework (Rizzi 1990). This approach both preserves the account of the asymmetry between non-full or clitic reciprocals and their doubled counterparts, as allows for broad construals from standard adjuncts.
    • A Unified Theory of Final Consonant Deletion in Early Child Speech

      Ohala, Diane (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 1992)
    • "Y" Defends Cyclicity

      Denham, Kristin (University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 1992)
      In this paper, I show that there are necessarily cyclic strata in English, using data from a Southeastern United States dialect (hereafter SUS) in which there are special rules of yinsertion and y-deletion. Cole (1990) argues that cyclic rules are unnecessary, and offers alternative proposals for others' cyclic analyses of a variety of problems in several languages. The analysis presented here, however, requires cyclic rule application, thus refuting Cole's claim that cyclicity may be eliminated.