The Arizona Phonology Conference is a conference publication of the Linguistics Circle, the Graduate Student Organization of the Department of Linguistics at the University of Arizona.

Volume 4 (1991). Edited by Jean Ann and Kyoko Yoshimura.

Excerpt from the Preface:

This volume contains seven of the papers presented at the Fourth Arizona Phonology Conference, held at the University of Arizona on April 5-6, 1991. Not included are papers presented by: Juliette Blevins, Nick Clements, Jabier Elorrieta, Bruce Hayes, Abigail Kaun, Alan Prince, Doug Pulleyblank and Susana Sainz.

Recent Submissions

  • Preface (Arizona Phonology Conference, Volume 4, 1991)

    Ann, Jean; Yoshimura, Kyoko (Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991)
  • Tunica Partial Vowel Harmony as Support for a Height Node

    Wiswall, Wendy J.; Ann, Jean; Yoshimura, Kyoko; University of Arizona (Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991)
  • Tone Alteration in Taiwanese

    Tsay, Jane S.; Ann, Jean; Yoshimura, Kyoko; University of Arizona (Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991)
  • Multiple Scansions in Loanword Phonology: Evidence from Cantonese

    Silverman, Daniel; Ann, Jean; Yoshimura, Kyoko; University of California, Los Angeles (Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991)
    In loanword phonology we seek to uncover the processes by which speakers possessing one phonological system perceive, apply native representational constraints on, and ultimately produce forms which have been generated by a different phonological system. In other words, loanwords do not come equipped with their own phonological representation. For any phonetic string, it is only native speakers for whom a fully articulated phonological structure is present. As host language speakers perceive foreign forms solely in accordance with their own phonological system, they instantiate native representations on the acoustic signal, fitting the superficial input into their own phonological system as closely as possible. Given these assumptions, it should not be surprising that despite the identity of a given acoustic signal when impinging upon the inner ear of speakers of different languages, this input may be represented, and ultimately produced in a distinct manner in each language it enters. The loanword phonology under investigation here, that of Cantonese, will be shown to possess two distinct levels. The first level of loanword phonology consists of a parsing of the input signal into unprosodized segment-sized chunks, for which native feature matrices are provided. As this level of loanword phonology is solely concerned with perceiving the input, and providing a preliminary linguistic representation, we may refer it as the Perceptual Level. It is only when full prosodic structure is supplied for the incoming form that the raw segmental material may undergo phonological processes, so that it may be realized in conformity with native prosodic constraints on syllable structure. As this stage of the loanword phonology admits the possibility of true phonological processes acting on segments, it may be regarded as the Operative Level of the loanword phonology. The processes which apply at the Operative Level of the Cantonese loanword phonology do not exist in native phonological derivations. As these operations were not acquired during the initial acquisition period, they exist in a separate domain from native phonological operations, presumably supplied by Universal Grammar. Their only property common with native phonological processes is that the same constraints exert an influence on the output of both systems. I will provide evidence for the Perceptual Level and the Operative Level of the loanword phonology by showing that loanwords undergo two distinct, ordered scansions during the course of the derivation. Scansion One will be shown to correspond to the Perceptual Level of the loanword phonology, providing raw segmental representation to incoming forms. Scansion Two will be shown to correspond to the Operative Level of the loanword phonology, providing prosodic representation which will be shown to trigger various phonological operations on the perceived segments.
  • Binarity and Ternarity in Alutiiq

    Hewitt, Mark S.; Ann, Jean; Yoshimura, Kyoko; Brandeis University (Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991)
    One of the pillars of phonological research has been the desirability of representing phonological processes as being local in application. Locality, as a principle of the grammar, constrains the relation between the trigger and target elements of a phonological process to one of adjacency. Adjacency, within the framework of Autosegmental Phonology and Underspecification theory, consists of two varieties: tier adjacency and structural adjacency (Myers (1987)). Tier adjacency examines linear relations among elements within an isolated tier of the representation (e.g. the tonal tier), while structural adjacency examines these relations mediated through the skeletal core, which organizes and maintains the linear relations between phonemes and their constituent elements. Locality and Adjacency are not, simply the preserve of featural relations and their skeletal core. The core itself, whether viewed as C/V slots, X/X' timing slots, or Root nodes, is organized into the grander structures of the Prosodic Hierarchy (e.g. syllable, Foot, etc.) . The formation of these units is a phonological process and as such subject to the same principles. A portion of the on -going debates in metrical theory has focused on whether metrical structure, in particular Foot structure, is limited to binary constituents. Kager (1989) proposes an extreme Binarism, with all metrical structure initially being limited to binarity. Hayes (1987) and Prince (1990) only commit to a strong preference for binary Feet. Halle & Vergnaud (1987) propose a system allowing binary, ternary, and unbounded Feet. The principle of Locality with its requirement of adjacency argues for a binary -view of metrical structure where the trigger and target of the structure building process are un- metrified elements. The most serious challenge to this view is the existence of languages which employ ternary constituents, e.g. Cayuvava, Chugach Alutiiq. These languages have been cited as evidence in arguing for a theory capable of generating ternary Feet. In a framework designed to maintain strict locality surface ternary constituents must be derived from underlying binary structures. This paper proposes a solution to this problem which relies on the ternary constituent being a complex constituent composed of a binary Foot grouped with an adjacent syllable. This constituent is not a Foot, but rather a Prosodic Word. Generating an iterative ternary Prosodic Word requires a new algorithm for building metrical structure. This algorithm builds metrical constituents in an opportunistic manner. Opportunistic building creates metrical constituents as soon as possible, instead of applying one particular structure building rule across the whole string before the next rule applies. This paper examines these issues through the metrical structures of the Alutiiq dialects described by Leer (1985a). The rich and detailed work of Leer serves admirably as a base for elucidating the issues of ternarity. Unfortunately, the ramifications of these proposals beyond the issue of ternarity can only be briefly alluded to in this paper. Length constraints do not permit me to present all aspects of these proposals in the full detail they require for their justification.
  • Level-ordered Lexical Insertion: Evidence from Speech Errors

    Golston, Chris; Ann, Jean; Yoshimura, Kyoko; University of California, Los Angeles (Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991)
  • Izi Vowel Harmony and Selective Cyclicity

    Gerfen, Chip; Ann, Jean; Yoshimura, Kyoko; University of Arizona (Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991)
    In this paper, I provide an analysis of vowel harmony in Izi, an Igbo language spoken in the East - Central State of Nigeria. Using data from Meier, Meier, and Samuel (1975; hereafter MMB), I argue that harmony in complex verbal structures in Izi is inadequately accounted for within a level ordered model of lexical phonology (Kiparsky 1982, Mohanan 1982, etc...), claiming instead that harmony facts are best accommodated within a non-level ordered approach (cf. Halle and Vergnaud 1987, Halle and Kenstowicz 1991; Halle, Harris, and Vergnaud 1991). In sections 1 and 2, I provide a description of the general pattern of the [ATR]-based vowel harmony system in Izi and motivate [+ATR] as the only value of the feature [ATR] present at the level of underlying representation. In section 3, data are presented demonstrating the inadequacy of a level -ordered treatment of vowel harmony in verbal structures. Finally, in section 4, I propose an alternative, non-level ordered analysis that derives the attested harmony facts via cyclic rule application at a single level. Crucially, particular morphemes in verbal structures are claimed to undergo a pass of the cyclic rules prior to concatenation, a phenomenon which I call selective cyclicity.
  • Vowel-Consonant Interaction in Madurese

    Anderson, Stephanie; Ann, Jean; Yoshimura, Kyoko; University of Texas, Austin (Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991)
    Madurese, a Malayo-Polynesian language, is of particular interest to theories of vowel harmony and feature geometry because of the interaction of consonants with vowels, and the problem of representing both transparent and opaque segments within the same language. Vowels divide into two sets, occuring exclusively after each of two sets of consonants. Isolation of this process is somewhat complicated by loan words showing no alternation or containing non -native vowels or consonants. In this paper I will examine vowel- consonant interaction in native Madurese words. All data are from H.N. Kiliaan (1904), Madoereesch- Nederlandsch Woordenboek. and Stevens (1968), Madurese Phonology and Morphology, along with additional data from Stevens (1980), "Formative Boundary in Phonological Rules."