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dc.contributor.advisorBarnett, Melissaen_US
dc.contributor.authorTilley, Elizabeth Heidi
dc.creatorTilley, Elizabeth Heidien_US
dc.date.accessioned2013-01-15T19:03:41Z
dc.date.available2013-01-15T19:03:41Z
dc.date.issued2012
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10150/265612
dc.description.abstractThe United States has one of the highest teen pregnancy rates among developed countries and ranks third overall in rates of teen pregnancy out of thirty countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperative Development, OECD (UNICEF, 2007). However, as a country we are spending an enormous amount of money on teen pregnancy prevention programs. For example, the Office of Adolescent Health has implemented grant funding opportunities for teen pregnancy prevention programs and provides approximately $105 million to states to design these programs. These programs include personal responsibility education and abstinence only education (http://www.hhs.gov/ash/oah/oah-initiatives/tpp). If we are spending this much on these programs, why do we still have one of the highest teen pregnancy rates among developed countries? Based on what we have learned from current prevention efforts, the goal of this dissertation is two-fold, to introduce alternative theoretical approaches for prevention design and test determinants and protective factors of sexual risk-taking in adolescence. To obtain these goals, this dissertation was written using the three paper option that contains a theoretical paper and two empirical papers that test hypotheses of determinants of sexual risk-taking in adolescence and possible factors that protect youth from engaging in sexual risk-taking, such as school-wide communication and sexual education. The theoretical paper introduces alternative theoretical approaches to not only target individual behavior that may be risky, but also target the contextual constraints in which teens are operating. The empirical papers analyze possible determinants and protective factors for sexual risk-taking in youth.
dc.language.isoenen_US
dc.publisherThe University of Arizona.en_US
dc.rightsCopyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author.en_US
dc.subjectpreventionen_US
dc.subjectteen pregnancyen_US
dc.subjectFamily & Consumer Sciencesen_US
dc.subjectbioecological theoryen_US
dc.subjectlife history theoryen_US
dc.titleBridging the Gap: Fertility Timing in the United States, Theoretical Vantage Points, Effective Public Policy, and Prevention Designen_US
dc.typetexten_US
dc.typeElectronic Dissertationen_US
thesis.degree.grantorUniversity of Arizonaen_US
thesis.degree.leveldoctoralen_US
dc.contributor.committeememberRussell, Stephen T.en_US
dc.contributor.committeememberLicona, Adela C.en_US
dc.contributor.committeememberBarnett, Melissaen_US
dc.description.releaseRelease after 03-Jun-2013en_US
thesis.degree.disciplineGraduate Collegeen_US
thesis.degree.disciplineFamily & Consumer Sciencesen_US
thesis.degree.namePh.D.en_US
refterms.dateFOA2013-06-03T00:00:00Z
html.description.abstractThe United States has one of the highest teen pregnancy rates among developed countries and ranks third overall in rates of teen pregnancy out of thirty countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperative Development, OECD (UNICEF, 2007). However, as a country we are spending an enormous amount of money on teen pregnancy prevention programs. For example, the Office of Adolescent Health has implemented grant funding opportunities for teen pregnancy prevention programs and provides approximately $105 million to states to design these programs. These programs include personal responsibility education and abstinence only education (http://www.hhs.gov/ash/oah/oah-initiatives/tpp). If we are spending this much on these programs, why do we still have one of the highest teen pregnancy rates among developed countries? Based on what we have learned from current prevention efforts, the goal of this dissertation is two-fold, to introduce alternative theoretical approaches for prevention design and test determinants and protective factors of sexual risk-taking in adolescence. To obtain these goals, this dissertation was written using the three paper option that contains a theoretical paper and two empirical papers that test hypotheses of determinants of sexual risk-taking in adolescence and possible factors that protect youth from engaging in sexual risk-taking, such as school-wide communication and sexual education. The theoretical paper introduces alternative theoretical approaches to not only target individual behavior that may be risky, but also target the contextual constraints in which teens are operating. The empirical papers analyze possible determinants and protective factors for sexual risk-taking in youth.


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