• The Record of Native People on Gulf of California Islands [No. 201]

      Bowen, Thomas (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2009)
      A century ago it was common knowledge among historians and anthropologists with research interests in northwestern Mexico that Indians had inhabited four large islands in the Gulf of California. Three of these islands—Cerralvo, Espíritu Santo, and San José—are in the far southern Gulf off the coast of Baja California. The fourth island, Isla Tiburón, is located on the mainland side more than 400 km to the northwest, in the constricted region of the Gulf known as the Midriff. At the turn of the twentieth century, Isla Tiburón was well known as the homeland of the Seri Indians and was the only Gulf island still inhabited by native people. Since 1900, ethnohistorical and archaeological research has greatly expanded our knowledge of Indians on both sides of the Gulf. Much of that information, however, pertains to the people living on the peninsula and mainland, and touches on the islands only incidentally. Consequently, few historians or anthropologists are aware that Indians made use of many islands in addition to Cerralvo, Espíritu Santo, San José, and Tiburón. Scholars in other fi elds may not even know that there were Indians on the Gulf islands other than Tiburón. This is particularly unfortunate for ecologists because native people have been in the region for thousands of years and may have played a signifi cant role in shaping the island ecosystems we see today. Although indigenous humans were by far the largest native terrestrial mammal on all but two islands, and the most voracious omnivore on all of them, Homo sapiens does not appear on island species lists, and the potential effects of native people on insular ecosystems have seldom been considered. Discoveries made just in the past decade show that researchers in all fi elds have seriously underestimated the extent to which native people made use of the islands. Reports of early Spanish navigators have established the presence of Indians on many islands in addition to the four listed above. Recent archaeological research on several islands, along with fortuitous observations on others, have revealed evidence of native people on islands with no known documentary record of Indians. Chronological data from the southern Gulf establishes a time depth for indigenous people spanning at least ten millennia. New information from Seri oral history alludes to Seri voyages far beyond Isla Tiburón and greatly expands the picture of indigenous people in the Midriff region. Collectively, these results show that the traditional assumption, that most islands were beyond the range of native people, is dead wrong. It is now clear that Indians knew and exploited nearly every signifi cant island in the Gulf. This study reviews the evidence of native people on each of 32 major Gulf islands. The list includes all 22 islands larger than 2 km2 and 10 smaller islands for which some data exist (summarized in Table 3.2). The data are drawn from historical documents, oral history, and the archaeological record. To the extent possible these data are given as quotations from the original sources. Collectively, the evidence suggests that native people were familiar with at least 29 of the 32 islands. For 19 of the islands the evidence can be considered unequivocal, consisting of unambiguous historical documentation, credible oral history, and/or a clear archaeological record. For ten islands there is some evidence of human use, but it is limited, weak, or equivocal, and therefore, in need of corroboration. There are no data of any kind for two islands, and one small island has produced no evidence of native people despite a comprehensive archaeological survey (these data are summarized in Table 4.1). Of course, Indians made greater use of some islands than others. In general, large islands, with a greater diversity of resources (including fresh water), were exploited more than small islands, and several supported permanent or seasonal communities of people. However, native visitors may have been drawn seasonally or intermittently to even very small islands with special resources, such as nesting seabirds, sea lion colonies, concentrations of cactus fruit, and abundant seed crops that appear after a rain. Historic and ethnographic sources show that islands did not need permanent water to sustain native visitors, who were quite capable of bringing water with them, subsisting on temporary water in tinajas, or utilizing water substitutes. Distance was apparently no barrier to native use of islands. The cane balsa was the universal watercraft, and historic sources suggest that balsa traffi c was extensive throughout the Gulf. In the hands of the Indians, the balsa was a swift and seaworthy craft, and navigation was no doubt facilitated by expert knowledge of winds and currents. All but two islands were within a day’s paddle, and in most cases the overwater distance to the more remote islands could have been reduced by island hopping. Although we now know that native people exploited nearly every signifi cant island, we need much more information about the time span over which those visits took place. Indians were certainly making use of many islands during the seventeenth century when European navigators began keeping careful records. Seri oral history fi rmly places Seri ancestors on several Midriff Islands during the nineteenth century and conceivably earlier. Archaeology is potentially capable of extending island chronologies into the prehistoric past, but there has been only limited progress on this front. Fewer than half of the 32 islands considered in this study have been systematically surveyed, and controlled excavations have been conducted on only three islands. Unfortunately, the archaeological record for many islands consists only of surface remains, and includes few or no time-sensitive artifacts or structures, and little or no organic material suitable for radiocarbon analysis. Clovis projectile points from both the Sonora mainland and the Baja California peninsula indicate that humans were present in the Gulf region by 13,000 years ago, which means that native people have been potential island visitors since that time. So far, radiocarbon dates have been secured for only five islands, and for four of these islands the few dates that are currently available all post-date AD 700. However, a series of 179 radiocarbon dates from 40 sites on Isla Espíritu Santo have clearly established this island’s long occupational sequence, which extends from about 9000 BC to the fi fteenth century AD. Although one site on this island produced spectacular radiocarbon ages on shells from approximately 36,550 to greater than 47,500 BP, these shells were probably already ancient when people collected them. During the late Pleistocene and early Holocene it is likely that not all of today’s islands existed, or existed as islands. Some small volcanic islands may not yet have emerged from the sea, while some of today’s islands were connected to the shore by land bridges because sea level was much lower than it is today. Any island without a landbridge connection at that time would have been accessible only by watercraft. These non-landbridge islands should be considered prime places to search for early evidence of navigation. This in turn raises the question of whether initial human entry into the Americas took place by boat along a Pacifi c coastal route, and whether subsequent dispersal involved the Gulf. In most coastal entry and dispersal scenarios, it is assumed that coastally-adapted boat people arriving at the southern tip of Baja California crossed the mouth of the Gulf to the Mexican mainland, making landfall in Sinaloa or even farther south. However, as R. James Hills has pointed out, this is highly unlikely. People arriving at the southern tip of the peninsula would have seen seemingly endless ocean in all directions except along the peninsular coast leading into the Gulf. There would have been no reason for people adapted to coastal resources to set out into an apparently empty sea. Instead, they would have followed the coastline into the Gulf, presumably exploring the islands along the way. The fi rst reasonable place to cross the Gulf would have been the Midriff, where they could have island-hopped to the mainland with no overwater distance exceeding 17 km. In Hills’ scenario, the Gulf would occupy a pivotal position in human dispersal in the Americas, and it is possible that evidence of this process has been preserved on some of the Gulf islands.
    • Preceramic Subsistence in Two Rock Shelters in Fresnal Canyon, South Central New Mexico [No. 199]

      Bohrer, Vorsila L. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2007)
      Many plant fragments recovered from two pre-ceramic rock shelters occupied some 3000 or more years ago look no different from modem plants. When plant material preserves so well, the contribution of ethnobotany to archaeological research can be enormous. Volney Jones (1941: 220) defined ethnobotany as the study of the interrelationship of pre-industrial people and plants. In archaeological sites ethnobotanists, through attention to taxonomic peculiarities, can identify plant fragments primarily at the generic level, but also to races and varieties in some cultivated plants. Existing traditions of utilization, the context of recovery (such as a burned seed in a hearth), and other indirect lines of evidence serve to categorize plant remains according to use: foods, fuels, basketry, sandals, cordage, medicinal, or ceremonial items. This study attempts to identify and interpret food usage when cultivated crops were initially available in south-central New Mexico. (excerpted from Introduction)
    • Echoes in the Canyons: The Archaeology of the Southeastern Sierra Ancha, Central Arizona [No. 198]

      Lange, Richard C.; Ciolek-Torrello, Richard S.; Huckell, Lisa W.; Teague, Lynn S.; Virden-Lange, Christine H. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2006)
    • Social Identities Among Archaic Mobile Hunters and Gatherers in the American Southwest [No. 197]

      McBrinn, Maxine (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2005)
      The mobile hunters and gatherers of the Archaic Southwest were members of at least three different kinds of social groups: bands, endogamous marriage groups and a risk-sharing economic network. By comparing the geographic distributions of iconological and technological style in cordage, sandals and projectile points, it is possible to distinguish marriage groups from the larger economic networks. Using artifacts from Bat Cave, Tularosa Cave and Cordova Cave in the New Mexico Mogollon and from Presnal Shelter in the Tularosa Basin, this research was able to demonstrate that technological style in fiber artifacts is more geographically constrained than iconological style in textiles or projectile points indicating that although groups using these rock shelters came from different bands, they belonged to the same marriage group, yet participated in different risk-sharing economic networks.
    • Hohokam Palettes [No. 196]

      White, Devin Alan (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2004)
      This study focuses on one of the few hallmark artifacts from the Hohokam Pre-Classic period: palettes. Previous research on palettes is synthesized and the nature of the prehistoric production, distribution, and use-lives of these artifacts is explored. The term "palette" is found to inadequately and inaccurately describe the many ways in which these artifacts were used within Hohokam society. In its place, the author suggests that the term "tablet" be used for the artifact class. Important byproducts of this study are life-size and highly accurate line drawings of over one thousand palettes, as well as a fully searchable relational database.
    • The Hardy Site at Fort Lowell Park, Tucson, Arizona [No. 175]

      Gregonis, Linda M. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1997)
      A small portion of the Hardy site, a large, pre-Classic Hohokam village, was excavated by University of Arizona students and other volunteers between 1976 and 1978. The portion of the site that was excavated revealed houses and associated features dating from the Sweetwater or Snaketown phase through the Late Rincon subphase. Information retrieved from the site was used to examine occupation space use and reuse through time, to better define the Canada del Oro phase, and to propose the inclusion of the Cortaro phase (now subsumed within the Late Rincon subphase) in the Tucson Basin Hohokam cultural sequence.
    • River of Change: Prehistory of the Middle Little Colorado River Valley, Arizona [No. 185]

      Adams, E. Charles; Adams, Karen R.; Bubemyre, Trixi D.; Cole, Sally J.; Gann, Douglas W.; Hays-Gilpin, Kelley; Jones, Anne Trinkle; Lange, Richard C.; Lyons, Patrick D.; McKim, Rebecca; et al. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1996)
    • Copper Bell Trade Patterns in the Prehispanic U.S. Southwest and Northwest Mexico [No. 187]

      Vargas, Victoria D. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995)
      The nature and extent of interaction between prehispanic Mesoamerica and the U.S. Southwest and Northwest Mexico has been debated by archaeologists for decades. This work investigates interaction between these areas based upon the stylistic, temporal, and geographic distribution of copper bells in the North American Southwest. Copper bells (also called crotals) have been identified in the past as probable mesoamerican trade items which may have been used as prestige goods. The copper bell inventory is used as the primary data set in the distributional analyses in Chapter 5 and builds upon past inventories by Pendergast (1962a) and Sprague and Signori (1963). Previously undocumented copper bells are added to these inventories. The updated inventory contains 622 bells from 93 sites from the U.S. Southwest and Northwest Mexico and is presented in Chapter 4. The possible origin(s) of these copper bells is also addressed in this study. The evidence presented by Di Peso et al. (1974) for copper production at Paquime, also known as Casas Grandes, in Northwest Chihuah~ Mexico is evaluated. West Mexico, known as a copper producing area, is also considered as a possible origin of bells found at sites in the U.S. Southwest and Northwest Mexico. (Excerpt from Introduction)
    • Pinto Beans and Prehistoric Pots: The Legacy of Al and Alice Lancaster [No. 183]

      Adams, Jenny L. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1994)
      Preface (Watson Smith, Tucson, Arizona, 1988) The westering of America - a story told a thousand times - is old but ever new - in terms as varied as were the many individuals who have played their roles in a vast and mostly anonymous company. Most of them followed ill-marked paths toward the sunset, unwittingly becoming the stuff of a hallowed modem legend that ranges from suffering, horror, degradation, and failure to the romanticized grandeur of heroism, self-sacrifice, and fortune finally realized in the golden glow of hope fulfilled. That there were such westering pioneers at either extremity of that vast spectrum of human movement across North America is certain. But for most of them their way lay somewhere between the extremes, and for those few whose names are remembered, there were millions of ordinary folk who, though they passed unrecorded, have given genuine substance to what otherwise might be only the folk-legend of a restless people. Some where near the middle of the middle are Al and Alice Lancaster, whose story partakes of many of the commonplaces of their fellow wanderers, and whose record in many ways can be a paradigm for that of countless others. But the hearty particulars of their own lives, both beginning in the east and moving by very different routes to Colorado where they met and married, are remarkable. The satisfactions implicit in this evolution and its fulfillment are uncommon - for the very simple reason that Al and Alice are uncommon people. Their story, in itself is neither fabulous nor mythically heroic - it is as real and as human as are those of most of their fellows. And it is worthy of the telling for that very reason. There are some special considerations, though: Alice's pursuit of education, both for herself and for those she guided as a rural school-teacher and as the mother of six children, speaks for a greatness of spirit that is possessed by few people. And Al's insight and empathy with the archaeological past and its people have made him one of the most productive and honored dirt-archaeologists of the Southwest. But their story does not tell itself; it is revealed through the eyes of an author with a deep understanding of her subject. This author is advantaged in her telling by her genuine emotional rapport with Al and Alice, who have given of themselves because they have seen her as one who could have shared their Odyssey, if she had ever had the chance to do so, and who can certainly feel its pulse in her own heartbeat. A glorious story told without embellishment, it would probably not have inspired the reverence of Whitman in his paean Pioneers! 0 Pioneers! or Foss's melodramatic call for men to match his mountains. But it is as heartwarming as those impassioned poets could have made it. And I should know, because of my own privileged involvements in it for more than fifty years. The author gains, too, from a shared love of the Southwest, engendered by her experience within it and by her unusual emotional kinship with its spirit and its soul. One who reads this book will be rewarded not by just another tale of breaking sod, or homesteading, or following the sweating oxen in a dusty wagon-train (and Al and Alice did these things [except for the oxen]), nor even by the momentary thrill of riding the gossamer trestles that Otto Mears flung across the gorges of the San Juan Mountains, where there is, indeed, a touch of Katharine Lee Bates' "purple mountain majesty." Instead, it is the sharing of a rare kinship with people whose lives might have been ordinary, but for the miracle that they were lived by extraordinary people, and have been chronicled by a sympathetic and qualified recorder.
    • The Northern Tucson Basin Survey: Research Directions and Background Studies [No. 182]

      Madsen, John H.; Fish, Paul R.; Fish, Suzanne K. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1993)
      An overview of the prehistoric natural and cultural setting of the region between Tucson and Picacho, Arizona.
    • Hohokam Marine Shell Exchange and Artifacts [No. 179]

      Nelson, Richard S. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991)
      This study analyzes the shell industry of the Hohokam, the prehistoric inhabitants of southern Arizona. The primary focus is upon exchange and utilizes the concept of spheres of exchange, derived from social anthropology. After first examining the problems of sources, procurement and processing of unworked shell, the analysis then proceeds to define the patterns of context and distribution characteristic of different shell artifacts, demonstrating that different classes of shell artifacts do exhibit different and distinctive patterns of context and of both intra-site and inter-site distribution. These different distributional patterns are shown to influence the distribution of these shell artifacts beyond the boundaries of Hohokam territory. It is shown that some shell artifacts are widely distribution both within and beyond Hohokam territory, and are found within a wide variety both of sites and contexts. Such artifacts appear to be accessible to a relatively broad segment of individuals and communities. Other shell artifacts, however, are more sharply restricted in both context and distribution, and rarely occur in non-Hohokam sites. This second group is more likely to be abundant mainly at sites which may be reigonal centers, and even there are more likely to occur in certain parts of such sites, often in such specialized contexts as caches or especially rich cemetaries. ln those areas, they may also be associated with uncommon artifacts of other materials. Some associated artifacts are of Mesoamerican origin. Based upon these data, as well as information relating to settlement systems an burial practices, it is concluded that this second group of Hohokam shell artifacts represents a distinct, prestige sphere of exchange, access to which is restricted, perhaps on the basis of rank or ritual ties. This phenomenon seems to be most clearly delineated during the late Colonial and Sedentary periods, but may have existed during the Classic Period as well. This prestige sphere seems to have involved exchange ties with Mesoamerica, at least at certain times, and probably operated within the region through exchange links and mechanisms different from those by which more widely distributed shell artifact types were exchanged. Thus the Hohokam can be said to have had a multi-tiered system of exchange spheres, the existence of which can probably be linked to existence of some sort of social ranking within Hohokam society.
    • Historic Archaeology at the Tucson Community Center [No. 181]

      Ayres, James E. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1990)
      The archaeology for the Tucson Convention Center Expansion Project, sponsored by the Tucson Local Development Corporation (TI..DC), was performed by archaeologists from the Cultural Resource Management Division (CRMD) of the Arizona State Museum (ASM). Project fieldwork was carried-out in two stages, testing and mitigation, between mid-March and mid-May, 1988. Laboratory work, artifact identification and analysis, historical research, and report preparation, followed the fieldwork phase over the subsequent two years. The project was the first of an archaeological nature undertaken by the TLDC, a private non-profit corporation created by the City of Tucson in 1979. This organization provides long-term financing for small business expansion in the Tucson Metro area and eastern Pima County.
    • Arizona State Museum Style Guide (Second Edition) [No. 180]

      Gifford, Carol A.; Heathington, Carol Ann (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1989)
    • The 1979-1983 Testing at Los Morteros (AZ AA:12:57 ASM), A Large Hohokam Village Site in the Tucson Basin [No. 177]

      Lange, Richard C.; Deaver, William L. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1989)
      Los Morteros (AZ AA:12:57 [ASM]) is a large Hohokam village site located at the northern end of the Tucson Mountains along the Santa Cruz River. Named for the bedrock mortars located near the center of the site, Los Morteros has a rich and varied history. Several phases of prehistoric occupation are suggested by ceramics representing the Colonial, Sedentary, and Classic periods (A.D. 500 to 1450). The range of features present is considerable, including cremation pits, pit houses, roasting pits, mounds, canals, petroglyphs, hill-side terraces (trincheras), a ballcourt, and the bedrock mortars. Spatially, th~ site covers a large area, but most features are clustered in a limited core area (Fig. 1.1). The area around Los Morteros has also been used during historical times (see Stein 1982). In this report reference to the historical period is limited to those events that bear directly on the site of Los Morteros, in particular the history of archaeological interest in the site. Our major concern is with the prehistoric components at Los Morteros. (excerpt from Introduction)
    • Hohokam Archaeology Along Phase B of the Tucson Aqueduct Central Arizona Project, Volume 1: Syntheses and Interpretations, Part II [No. 178, Vol. 1 Part II]

      Czaplicki, Jon S.; Ravesloot, John C. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1989)
    • Archaeological Investigations in the Snowflake-Mesa Redonda Area, East-Central Arizona: The Apache-Navajo South Project [No. 173]

      Neily, Robert B. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1988)
      The Apache-Navajo South Project was conducted by the Cultural Resource Management Division (CRMD) of the Arizona State Museum under contract with the Bureau of Land Management (BLM). The project was designed to evaluate 20 parcels of public land comprising 10,369 acres in the southern part of Apache and Navajo counties, Arizona, that were being considered for possible disposal in conjunction with the Navajo-Hopi Land Exchange Program. An archaeological survey was conducted between August 27 and September 28, 1984, and 65 prehistoric sites, 3 historic sites, and a petroglyph site were recorded. A report was submitted to the BLM in January, 1985, documenting the results of this survey and outlining recommendations for the mitigation of impacts to these cultural resources. In June of 1985, a research design was submitted to the BLM for data recovery at five prehistoric sites dating between approximately A.D. 850 and 1250 and situated in four of the parcels designated for disposal. The emphasis of the research design was the documentation of prehistoric land use and subsistence patterns primarily in the upland regions of the Snowflake-Mesa Redonda area, where four of the sites were located. The fifth site, situated along a tributary wash of Millet Swale, was to provide a comparative data base on valley land-use patterns. The initial data recovery efforts at the five sites extended between July 22 and August 12 of 1985, with additional work being performed between September 10 and October 25, 1985. This report, in addition to summarizing the results of the 1984 survey, presents the results of the data recovery efforts at the five sites and a synthesis of the project. (excerpted from Preface)
    • Archaeological Investigations at AZ U:14:75 (ASM): A Turn-of-the-Century Pima Homestead [No. 172]

      Layhe, Robert W. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1986)
      During June, 1986, the Cultural Resource Management Division of the Arizona State Museum conducted archaeological excavations for the Gila River Housing Authority at AZ U:14:75 (ASM) to mitigate the adverse effects that would occur to this turn-of-the-century Pima homestead as a result of a proposed housing project. A Pima round house, brush kitchen, and a possible ramada were excavated. In addition to the feature descriptions, detailed ethonohistorical information is provided. The report also contains information on historic artifacts, ceramics and restorable vessels, chipped stone, faunal remains, and abundant macrobotanical remains.
    • The 1985 Excavations at the Hodges Site, Pima County, Arizona [No. 170]

      Layhe, Robert W. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1986)
      In 1985 Pima County Department of Transportation contracted with the Cultural Resource Management Division of the Arizona State Museum to mitigate the adverse effects on the Hodges Site that would result from the renovation of Ruthrauff Road in northwestern Tucson, Arizona. Seventeen architectural features and numerous pit features were present. During the six-week period of data recovery 13 architectural features and 6 extramural features were excavated or sampled. The structures date from the Rillito phase to the Tanque Verde phase. In addition to the feature descriptions, this report presents detailed information on archival research, ceramics, chipped stone, small artifacts and ground stone, floral remains (flotation and pollen), mortuary treatment, and fauna! remains. The archival chapter and appendices present descriptive data from all the mortuary and architectural features excavated in the late 1930s by Isabel Kelly.
    • The 1982-1984 Excavations at Las Colinas: Research Design [No. 162 Vol. 1]

      Heathington, Carol Ann; Gregory, David A. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1985)
      This volume presents the research design constructed to guide both the field work and analysis stages of the Las Colinas Project. It is the first in a series of seven volumes covering the project; the remaining volumes will document and interpret the substantive results of the research. The seven volumes are collectively designated as Arizona State Museum Archaeological Series 162. The Las Colinas Project was conducted by the Cultural Resource Management Division of the Arizona State Museum, under my direction. The work was performed under the provisions of Contract 82-10, Project I-10-2(86) with the Arizona Department of Transportation, and was sponsored by that agency, in cooperation with the Federal Highways Administration. In accordance with state and federal laws, the project was designed to mitigate the impacts to archaeological resources which would result from the construction of a segment of Interstate Highway 10. The primary focus of the project was on the large Sedentary and Clasic period Hohokam site of Las Colinas, AZ T:12:10 (ASM), but work was also undertaken at AZ T:12:38 (ASM), a much smaller site located within the freeway corridor and some 3 kilometers west of Las Colinas. Excavations at Las Colinas were accomplished during two field seasons, from September 1982 to April 1983, and from October 1983 to February 1984; the second field season was necessitated by the addition of some 10,000 square meters of new right-of-way to the project area, an alteration in the scope of work which occurred in April of 1983, as the originally proposed field work was nearing completion. Field studies of the canals and related features at the site were con- ducted during June and July of 1983 under the direction of Fred L. Nials. A field laboratory operated during both field seasons, and in-house analyses of the materials recovered began in February of 1983 and were completed in August of 1984. (Excerpt from Preface)
    • Archaeological Excavations at AZ I:10:30 (ASM), A Sinagua Settlement: Townsend-Divide Unit I, U.S. Highway 89, Coconino County, Arizona [No. 169]

      Tagg, Martyn D.; Layhe, Robert W. (Arizona State Museum, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1985)
      This report describes and discusses archaeological data recovery at a Sinagua site (AZ 1:10:30, ASM) within an Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT) right-of-way near Flagstaff, Arizona. A brief discussion of the research potential of the site and of the cultural history and natural setting of the region is provided. This is followed by feature descriptions, artifact analyses and results, and interpretations of the subsistance patterns, chronology, and external relationships of the inhabitants of the site. Specialized analyses are provided in four appendixes at the end of the report. The investigations at Townsend-Divide (AZ 1:10:30, ASM), involving excavations on a small portion of a larger site, revealed two pit houses and four burials associated with the late Rio de Flag, Angell-Winona phases (A.D. 1000 to 1100). This work added useful information to our understanding of the Sinagua in the Flagstaff region in the Preeruptive-Posteruptive period, just after the formation of Sunset Crater in A.D. 1064 to 1066.