Locality domains and morphological rules: Phases, heads, node-sprouting and suppletion in Korean honorification
AffiliationUniv Arizona, Dept Linguist
KeywordsMorphologically conditioned allomorphy
MetadataShow full item record
PublisherSpringer Science and Business Media LLC
CitationChoi, Jaehoon and Heidi Harley. 2019. Locality domains and morphological rules Phases, heads, node-sprouting and suppletion in Korean honorification. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 37.4, 1319-1365
Rights© Springer Nature B.V. 2019
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AbstractKorean subject honorification and Korean negation have both affixal and suppletive exponents. In addition, Korean negation has a periphrastic realization involving an auxiliary verb. By examining their interaction, we motivate several hypotheses concerning locality constraints on the conditioning of suppletion and the insertion of dissociated morphemes (‘node-sprouting’). At the same time, we come to a better understanding of the nature of Korean subject honorification. We show that Korean honorific morphemes are ‘dissociated’ or ‘sprouted,’ i.e., introduced by morphosyntactic rule in accordance with morphological well-formedness constraints, like many other agreement morphemes. We argue that the conditioning domain for node-sprouting is the syntactic phase. In contrast, our data suggest that the conditioning domain for suppletion is the complex X0, as proposed by Bobaljik (2012). We show that the ‘spanning’ hypotheses concerning exponence (Merchant 2015; Svenonius 2012), the ‘linear adjacency’ hypotheses (Embick 2010), and ‘accessibility domain’ hypothesis (Moskal 2014, 2015a, 2015b; Moskal and Smith 2016) make incorrect predictions for Korean suppletion. Finally, we argue that competition between honorific and negative suppletive exponents reveals a root-outwards effect in allomorphic conditioning, supporting the idea that insertion of vocabulary items proceeds root-outwards (Bobaljik 2000).
Note12 month embargo; first online: 07 March 2019
VersionFinal accepted manuscript